NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES 3 3433 08179768 4 \^- HISTORIES SEVERAL REGIMENTS AND BATTALIONS NORTH CAROLINA GREAT WAR 1861 -'65. WRITTEN BT riEHBERS OF THE RESPECTIVE COnnflNDS EDITED BY WALTER CLARK, (Lieut. Colonel Seventieth Regiment N. C. T. VOL. V. WITH INDEX. PUBLISHED BY THE STATE. NASH BROTHERS, BOOK AND .JOB PRINTERS, GOLDSBORO, N. C. 1901. EH- Chf^rLoA THE NEV/ YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY 2640?4 ASTOR, LENOX AND TILBSN FODNDATIOWS R 1 90^' L p- DEDICATION. IN THE NAME OF THE MORE THAN 1«5,000 frOKDlERS, LIVING AND DEAD, WHOM Zbis State SENT TO THE FRONT IN ONE OF THE GREATEST AND MOST UNEQUAL^CONFLICTS RECORDED IN HISTORY, THESE VOLUMES, FRAUGHT WITH IH E_";TESTIM0NY OF COMRADES TO IMMORTAL COURAGE, ARE INSCRIBEli TO THE Iberoic Momen of IRortb Carolina, WHO INSPIRED OUR CITIZEN SOLDIERY BY THEIR FAITH IN GOP, BY THEIR MAGIC INFLUENCE AND IMMEASURABLE GOOD WORKS, AND TO Ubcir jfair iDaugbters, WHOSE UNSHAKEN FIDELITY HAS PRESERVED THE FAME OF ®ur Glorious H)ea&. WITH SUCH TO;iNSPIRE THE^.LIVING AND HONOR THE FALLEN THE MEN OF NORTH CAROLINA WILL EVER BE JEqual to Dictorg— Superior to Defeat. C0NTEMT5. PAGE. Dedication, ; iii Review and Conclusion, by the Editor vii List of Historians and Contributors, hy the Editor. xviii Number op Troops prom North Carolina, hy the Editor 1 Number OP Generals PROM North Carolina, by the Editor . . . 3 Generals Commissioned by the State, by Lieut. E. A. Thome. . . 5 North Carolinians on Military Courts, by the Editor 8 General and Field Oppicers Killed, by Lieut. E. A. Thome. . . 9 Where North Carolina Troops Stationed November 1861, hy Brigadier -General J. G. Martin 13 Deeds of Daring — Six Heroes, hy Lieutenant- General D. H. Hill.. 15 Other Deeds op Daring, hy the Editor 1? ,A. North Carolina Heroine, hy Colonel S. L). Pool 19 captures and battles. Capture of Forts Before the War, by Colonel Jno. L. CantwelL. 23 Battle of Manassas, by Brigadier-General T. L. Clingman 29 The Fall op Hatteras, by Major Thomas Sparrow 35 Chicamacomico, by Lieutenant- Colonel E. C. Yellowley 55 Loss op Roanoke Island, by Hon. Burgess S. Gaither, C. S. Congress, 57 Fall op Roanoke Island, by Lieutenant-Colonel E. R. Liles 63 Sharpsburg, by Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Clark 71 Battle op White Hall, by Colonel S. D. Pool 83 Flank March at Chancellorsville, by Brig. -Gen. J. H. Lane. . 93 The Wounding of Jackson, hy Adjutant Spier Whitaker 96 Another Account, by Captain A. H. H. Tolar 98 Longstreet's Assault at Gettysburg, hy Maj. W. M. Bobbins . 101 Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg, by Captain Louis G. Young, A. A. 0 113 Pettigrew's Charge at Gettysburg, hy Lieutenant- Colonel John T. Jones 133 The Pettigrew-Pickett Charge, by Captain S. A. Ashe 137 Defence of Fort Wagner, by Adjutant E. K. Bryan and Sergeant E. H. Meadoivs 161 Chicamauga, by Captain C. A. Cilley, A. A. G., U. S. A 169 Capture op Plymouth, by Major John W. Graham 175 Second Cold Harbor, by Brigadier-General Thos. L. Clingman 197 Reams Station, by Major Charles M. Stedman 207 The Thin Gray Line, by Brigadier-General Bradley T. Johnson . . . 213 Defence op Fort Fisher, hy Colonel William Lamb 217 The Surrender at Appomattox, by Major-General Bryan Grimes, 247 IV Contents. The Return fkom Appomattox, hy Lieutenant W. A. Montgomery 257 Last Fifteen Days of Baker's Command, by Private James M. Mullen 269 A Battle After the War, by Prioate R. Z. Linney 285 NORTH CAROLINA IN THE NAVY. Confederate Vessels in North I'arolina, by the Editor 298 North Carolina Navy, hy Paymaster Adam Tredivell 299 The Ram Albemarle, by Adjutant Gilbert Elliott 315 Capture of the Underwriter, by Commander B. P. Loyall 325 The Steamer Ad- Vance, by James Maglenn, Chief Engineer 385 Running the Blockade, by Rev. Dr. Moses D. Hoge 341 The Shenandoah, by An Officer Thereof 345 Fight with Blockaders, by Colonel William Lamb 351 Blockade Running, by Purser James Sprunt 353 North Carolina's Financial Operations in England, by Com- missioner John White 453 North Carolina's Record, by Governor Z. B. Vance 463 Parole List at Appomattox, 482 Comments on Parole List, by the Editor bldt addenda. First North Carolina Soldier to Die, by Private R. H. Bradley 578 Sixth Regiment at Manassas, by Captain B. F. White . 581 Report OF Siiarpsburg Battlefield Commissioners, 587 First Regiment at Gettysburg, by Sergeant C. W. Rivenbark . . 595 Unparallelled Loss, by Captain R. M. Tuttle 599 Capture op Cemetery HiLt at Gettysburg, by Captain N. W. Ray 605 Incident at Gettysburg, by Col. T. S. Kenan, C. S. A., and J. B. Callis, U. S. A., 611 Planner's Batter y^ at the Crater, by Captain H. G. Planner. . .. 615 Prisoners Under Fire at Morris Island, by Sergeant- Major C. M. Busbee 619 Twenty-Sixth Battalion, by The Editor 626 Company B, Tenth Virginia Cavalry, by Sergeant 11. R. Berrier 627 The Home Guards, by Colonel James R. Cole 629 Home Guards Face Stoneman, by Colonel T. George Walton 635 Hillsboro Military Academy, by Cadet Captain William Cain . . . 637 HiLLSBORO Military Academy, by Cadet J. George Hanna 643 N. C. Military Institute, by Brigadier-General J. H. Lane 645 University op N. C. in the War, by Dr. K. P. Buttle 647 The Last Battle and the Last Surrender by Lieutenant- Colonel W. W. Stringfield 653 Supplement to Appomattox Parole List 657 Corrections 661 Index to Appomattox Parole List 683 Index to Illustrations 719 General Index 729 REVIEW AND CONCLUSION. The last line of these five volumes having now been printed it is projDer to write a few lines in review and farewell to be prefixed to this, the last volume. The origin, the purpose and the scope of this work have been stated in the Preface to Vol. 1. and need not be re- peated. In the classic tongue of historic Greece the word oida, I have seen, is at the same time both the perfect tense of the verb eido, I see, and the present tense of the verb I know. That is, ''what I have seen I know." It is upon this idea that this work has been compiled. Tlie narrative is not by one historian writing at second hand from information de- rived from many sources. But herein the narratives are by participants who have written from the personal knowledge of themselves or of their immediate comrades and largely of scenes of which they were eye witnesses. Their contributions have l)een laboriously gathered by them from conference, or corres])ondence, with surviving comrades and diligently compared with the original reports published in the "Official Records of the Union and Confederate Ar- mies." As a further assurance of accuracy these sketches were printed in the newspapers and criticisms and correc- tions requested. It may be stated here that the dates affixed are mostly arbitrary for the majority of the regimental sketches were written in 1895, l)ut being revised again and again down to the time each went to press, the date 9 April, 1900 or 1901, was affixed to those organizations from the Army of ISTorthern Virginia and 26 April to those from the Army of the West, these being the anniversaries of the surrender of the respective armies. A few articles writ- ten by persons who died before the beginning of this work have been rej^roduced where the name of the writer or the subject matter has given them special interest. The writers herein number 180 and represent every grade in the Army from Lieutenant General to private, and em- brace not only men who have filled almost every vocation in viii Review and Conclusion. life since the war but those who have occupied every civil office from IT. S. Senator and Governor to constable. Farmers, lawyers, preachers, physicians, manufacturers, teachers, edi- tors, day laborers have each and all freely contributed their time and labor to preserve herein the memorials of what their comrades did and suffered at the command of North Carolina during those four eventful years the memory of which can never be forgotten. Among the brave men who have traced the lines in these volumes are soldiers who heard the first shriek of shell at Bethel in the first real battle of the war 10 June, 1861, and whose ears caught the patter of minies as Cox's brigade fired the last volley at Appomattox 9 April, 1865 and who missed but little of the musi,c of Avar between those dates. Among tliese writers are some who heard the o];)ening guns at Sum- ter 13 April, 1861 ; many who heard the crash of A. P. Hill's musketry on that sultry summer's eve as he drove back Burn- side at Shar])sbnrg and who listened to the long, low mono- tone of artillery at Gettysburg so steady and unbroken as to seem the ])r()l()nge(l reverberation of a single broadside; eyes now dim saw the Southern night lightened with shell and mor- tar over doomed Vicksburg; limbs now stift' stepped fast and cheerily as the echoes of Jackson's cannon rolled along the silver Shenandoah. Such another gathering can not be found in any other work and could not be duplicated now for nearly one in every ten has passed beyond the pale since their articles were penned. Their comrades of whose deeds they wrote slee]\ many of them, where the Georgian pines are bare, others l)v the Mississippi, the Cumberland, the Ohio, the Kanawha and where Potomac's breezes whispering low soothe many a soldier's endless sleep. With a devotion to duty, only to be expected of such men, they have written these volumes and deserve the grateful re- membrance of their countrymen for this scarcely less thp.n for the gallant deeds they aided to perform and which but for their pens would have been unrecorded. While these articles have ])een necessarily written from the stand]3oint of each writer which by a natural law makes each object and event near us seem larger and more impor- Review and Conclusion. ix tant than those farther oft", still there has been a strenuous and j)ainstaking effort to be accurate and truthful to the smallest detail. The work of such men could not be other than reliable. Any errors come from the lack of perspective incident to every narrative by an eye witness. The articles are 254 in number exclusive of 165 pages em- braced in the three Indexes, i. e. Index to Appomattox Pa- role List, Index to Illustrations and the General Index. These Indexes include some 17,000 names, a very large part ■of which are cited more than once. The history of each of our 84 regiments (which includes the ''Bethel" Regiment) is written by a member thereof except the sketches of four of the Senior Reserves Regiments and two of the Detailed men of which no suiwivors could be found. The history of each of our twenty-six Battalions is also given. The history of each brigade is written by a member thereof iind a valuable series of Battles, giving ISTorth Carolina's part therein is furnished by participants on the respective occasions. The articles on Gettysburg by Major W. M. I^obbins, Captain Louis G. Young, Captain S. A. Ashe and Lieutenant-Colonel John T. Jones as to the assault on Cemetery Ridge and by Captain X. W. Ray on the capture of Cemetery Hill are of exceptional value. An ac- count of jSTorth Carolina's share in the Xavy is herein pre- served including the story of the cruise of the Shenandoah, C()]nmanded by a gallant Xorth Carolinian who flew the Confederate battle emblem at her mast head till 6 JN'ovem- ber, 1865, nearly seven months after Lee's surrender. The ex])crience of ju-isoners of war is graphically told in- cluding an account of those who were exposed to the fire of our own batteries at Morris Island. Governor Vance's rnemoralde speech narrating the State's record in the war, also the report of our agent sent to England to procure sup- plies are reproduced. The history of the State's steamer, the "Ad-Vairce" and a most interesting story by Mr. Sprunt of the incidents of the system of Blockade-running by which we were so long enabled to continue the war are printed for the first time. Every subject is touched upon save the story of the sacri- X Review and Conclusion. llces, the services, the sufferings of our glorious and heroic women. The flight of time and the invincible modesty of the sex prevented our securing one of themselves to narrate tliat story and no man felt that his pen was equal to the por- trayal. Like Emmett's epitaph, it must remain unwritten but its abiding remembrance is in the hearts of the soldiery of the South. The dedication prefixed to the completed work in this last volume comes from the heart. They are not perfunctory words, but the exj^ression of the sentiments of the more than 125,000 soldiers, living and dead, whom North Carolina sent to the front. The pay of the Confederate soldier in the depreciated cur- rency w^as wholly inadequate to be of any assistance to those dependent upon him at home. Mention has already been made of the cotton cards and other supplies brought in tlirougli the blockade and distributed by the State to soldiers' v.'ives. In most, if not all the counties, the county authorities procured supplies of corn, meat and salt which were stored in warehouses and dispensed weekly by boards of elderly citi- zens to the mothers, wives and children who needed assis- tance. This was not charity but just compensation to those who were absent flghting for the State without pay. Where the counties neglected this just measure there were of course large nund3ers of desertions. The soldier felt it but just tliat the government should see that his aged mother, his dependent wife and children were provided for by the State since at its command they were deprived of his labor. The salt was procured from the works at Saltville, Virginia, or from the ocean near Wilmington, the counties raising the funds by the issue of what was known as "Salt bonds." By what now seems a singular decision the Supreme Court of the State, in the Reconstruction era, held the bonds thus is- sued in aid of the destitute and suffering women and chil- dren of the State void "'because issued in aid of the Rebel- lion." A most interesting chapter might have been added of the operation of the "'Tax in kind" by which provisions Avere obtained for the support of our armies, but as that would have required much elaboration and was a matter concerning Review and Conclusion. xi the xVrmy as a whole rather than the North Carolina Regi- ments and Battalions, the subject has not been treated herein. A series of extracts from the Executive Letter Books and the files of the Adjutant-General's office 1861-5 would have added interest to this work, but it had already swelled to five volumes, and this as well as some other valuable nuitter was necessarily foregone. The legend on the cover is no idle boast, but is based upon evidence given herein that is deemed worthy to be presented to the great jury of the public and of posterity. Major Hale's history of the ''Bethel" regiment proves, (if it had ever been called in question) North Carolina's claim to be the First at Bethel. The histories herein by Brigadier Gen- eral Cox, i\Iajor General Grimes and by Colonel Frank Par- ker of the Thirtieth regiment abundantly establish that the volley of (?ox's Brigade, of Grimes' Division vas the Last at Appomattox, the last shots being fired by the Thirtieth Regi- ment belonging to that brigade. The last capture of guns by that gallant army was the 1 Napoleons taken by Roberts' North Carolina Cavalry brigade the morning of the sur- render. Davidson's history of the Thirty-ninth regiment, as well as Major Harper's history of the Fifty-eighth and Colonel Ray's of the Sixtieth fully demonstrate that our North Caro- lina soldiers were Farthest to the front at Chicamauga and they are corroborated by Ca])tain C. A. Cilley's report, here- in reprinted, who was a Staff Officer of Vanderveer's Brigade which faced our North Carolinians on that well fought field. At Grttystmrg the history of the Fifty-fifth Regiment by Adjutant C. M. Cooke shows that it went farthest to the front on Cemetery Ridge. The best proof of how far a line of battle went is where it left its dead and wounded. These derelicts cast up by the bloody wave of war were found farth- est in the front of that gallant regiment and this is shown by the battlefield map prepared by the authority of the United States government after years of careful investigation of official reports and living witnesses from both armies. A copy of this official map, on a reduced scale is printed in this work. xii Review and Conclusion. The number of troops this State furnished is shown here- in from official records to have been over 125,000 and a full one fifth of the total force of the Confederacy. The losses of this State were over 41,000 by death on the battlefield or from wounds, being the largest loss sustained l)y any South- ern State. Though K'orth Carolina furnished one-fifth of the troops, it also appears that instead of one-fifth of the gen- eral officers being appointed from this State not one third of the pro rata, which was her due, received the promotion they . so well deserved. Yet by the general opinion in the Army Pender, Hoke, Pettigrew and perhaps others, were as com- petent to command corps and as much deserved promotion as TcUy who received the appointment of Lieutenant-General at the hands of the Confederate government. Brigadier-Gen- erals Clingiuan, Lane, James B. Gordon, Matt. W. Ransom, Scales, and others merited being made Major-Generals, and the State had many gallant sons who well earned promotion to Brigadier-General Among many such, it may not be invid- ious to name Major E. J. Hale, who (General Lane being ab- sent wounded) planned the successful movement at Fuzzell's ]yiills and virtually commanded his brigade at Reams Station, a South Carolinian (General Conner) being nominally in command — Colonel R. Tyler Bennett, the hero of the Bloody Lane at Sharpsburg — Colonel David Coleman in the Army of the West (to which we sent eight regiments and had no Briga- dier after General Vance's capture in 1863) — Colonel Lno. S. McElroy of the Sixteenth, Colonel W. H. Cheek of the Xinth (First Cavalry) and Colonel T. M. Garrett of the Fifth all of whom w^ere recommended for this promotion. These and many others, whether recommended or not, de- served the honor and were entitled to receive it both on their own merits and from the number of troops furnished by this State. But N'orth Carolina was modest, as she always is, and did not receive just recognition which has ever been her fate, alike in war and peace. The following admirable summary of the services of our soldiers is taken from a recent speech by the eloquent Henry A. London, now Senator from Chatham, who at the surren- der at Appomattox, w^as a member of the Thirty-second Regi- Review and Conclusion. xiii ment and courier to General Grimes, and carried to General Cox the order for the last volley fired by that gallant army. His words deserve preservation. "With a white population in 1800 of 629,942 and 115,000 voters, North Carolina sent 125,000 soldiers to the Confed- erate armies, composing eighty-four regiments and eigh- teen battalions. Three of these regiments were artillery, eight cavalry and seventy-three infantry. Several of the bat- talions were artillery and cavalry. Over 41,000 were killed or died in the service. There were seven Major-Generals from this State, of whom three were killed, namely: Pen- der, Ramseur and Whiting. There were twenty-six Brig- adier Generals from this State ; four of whom were killed and the others, almost without exception, were wounded. "The first victory was won by North Carolina troops at Bethel on 10 June, 1861, and they fired the last volley at Appomattox Court House. ''At Gettysburg 2,592 Confederates were killed and 12,707 wounded, and 3,155 Federals were killed and 14,529 were wounded. Of the killed 770 were North Carolinians, 435 Georgians, 399 Virginians, 258 Mis- sissippians, 217 South Carolinians and 204 Alabamians. The three brigades which lost more killed than any others in that battle were Pettigrew's North Carolina (which lost 190 killed) Davis', composed of three Mississippi and oi'.e North Carolina regiment, which lost 180, and Daniel's North Carolina brigade, which lost 165 killed. Pickett's entire division lost 214 killed. No brigade in Pickett's division lost as many killed and wounded as the Twenty-sixth North Carolina regiment, whose loss was 86 killed and 502 wounded, which was the heaviest loss of any regiment in either army in any battle of the war. There were sixteen brigades of Confederates in the first day's battle, of which seven were from North Carolina. In what is called 'Pick- etts' charge there were nineteen Virginia regiments and fif- teen North Carolinians. At Beams Station, in August, 1864, after the first efforts of other Confederates had failed, the three North Carolina brigades of Cooke, Lane and Mac- xiv Review and Conclusion. Rae, consisting of only 1,750 men, routed the enemy and captured 2,100. "Among- the regiments which suffered the heaviest losses were the following: The Fifth jSTorth Carolina at Williams- burg, the Fourth at Seven Pines, the Third at Sharpsburg^ the Twenty-sixth at Gettysburg and the Twenty-seventh at Bristoe Station. At Williamsburg the Fifth lost in killed, wounded and missing 197 out of 240. At Seven Pines the Fourth went into battle with twenty-five oflicers and 520 non-commissioned officers and privates, and lost in killed and wounded every officer except one and 462 men. At Sharps- burg the Third lost in an hour and a half 330 out of 520. At Bristoe the Twenty-seventh lost in less than half an hour 291 out of 420. At Sharpsburg Company C, of the Fourteenth North Carolina regiment lost in killed and wounded every man of the forty-five present, and at Chan- cellorsville the same company carried in forty-three men and all were killed or wounded except one and a minie ball had lodged in his haversack. Company F of the Twenty-sixth lost at Gettysburg every man out of eighty-seven, except one and he was knocked down by the concussion of a shell. "jSTo troops were better armed and equipped than those from Xorth Carolina, and our State was the only one that clothed her troops during the entire war. Also furnished clothing for otlier troops, and at the surrender had 92,000 suits of uniforms on hand and gi'eat stores of blankets and leather : was the only State that was engaged in direct trade witli England and running the blockade. At the close of the war North Carolina's commissary was feeding about half of Lee's army. "The day after the battle of Manassas Secretary of War Benjamin telegraphed Governor Clark that there was not enough powder for another day's fight, and requested him to obtain nitre, which he did. In the fall of 1861 Secretary Benjamin wrote Governor Clark that it was not necessary to make large contracts for military supplies for any long time, as the war would not last long, but the Governor soon after- wards sent an agent to England to buy arms." Over 900 engravings of officers and men, representing Review and Conclusion. xv them, as they looked in those days, give added interest to tliese volumes. Nearly one hundred of these — mostly pri- ■\'ates (for no line has been drawn at rank) — have been sent in by Judge A. W. Graham. He was too young to be in the army himself, but he had .five brothers in the service, each of whom Avas wounded and four of whom have contributed articles to this work. A very large part of the other photographs have been sent in by the mothers, wives and daughters of soldiers who with a devotion known only to a \vomaj]'s heart have pre- served these mementoes of a long-buried past, ofttimes the only relic of their dead, and taking them from their sacred repositories have had them engraved, a cost they could oft not afford, that jxjsterity might look upon the lineaments of the brave who could merit such fidelity. The engraving of the photographs could not have been procured but for the assistance of that patriotic Southerner, iVIajor C. L. Patton, of A^ew York City, President of the University Publishing Company, wlio without leward or the hope of reward, undertook the supervision of ihe work of engraving, securing the lowest possible cost for the Veter- ans and providing, at his own expense, the clerical force to con- duct the correspondence, receiving the photographs and re- turning them to their respective owners, grouping the en- gravings and attending to every detail till the last sheet was printed oif and shipped us. Had he been a native North Carolinian he could not have done more. Our thanks are also due to his accomplished clerk, who chiefly conducted this matter. Miss P. S. Adams. To rare business accuracy she has added a woman's sympathetic assistance in this work. The engi-avings of all the thirty-five North Carolina Gen- erals have been made at Major Patton's own expense for those volumes. Fuller investigation in the Confederate Archives having shown that Major-General Jeremy P. Gil- iiier and Brigadier-General Gabriel J. Rains were appoint- ed from this State, their names have been added to the thirty- three JSTorth Carolina generals given in the preface to Vol. I, and engravings of them have been inserted in this volume. To Colonel William Lamb, the gallant defender of Fort Fisher, we are indebted for the full page engraving of the xvi Review and Conclusion. ''Bombardment of Fort Fisher" (the frontispiece to Vol. 5), the full page engraving of the ''Mound Battery" and other engravings. To Mr. James Sprunt the writer of the val- uable article on "Blockade Running" we are indebted for the full page engravings of the "Steamer Ad-Vance," the "Shen- andoah" and other engravings, and we owe to Colonel Thos. S. Kenan, of the Forty-third regiment, the frontispiece to Vol. 4 "Johnson's Island" (a description of which may be found in his personal reminiscences of prison life on page 689 of that volume) and also for a full page engraving of C(^mpany A of his regiment. The only other engraving of a full company is that furnished by Captain C. B. Denson in the Twentieth Regiment. JSTumerous majDS are given which add much to the easy comprehension of the narratives. The two maps of Gettys- burg and that of the capture of Plymouth are especially val- uable. This work undertaken more than seven years ago has been prosecuted with many hindrances. It would be bootless to relate the tribulations attending such an undertaking. Its merits are due to the efforts of the self-sacrificing patri- otic men who have written the several histories composing it. Its short-comings are due to the Editor and the limita- tions which the lapse of time and untoward circumstances have imposed. For better, for worse, the record is now made up. The last word to the present age or posterity has been said and al- ready the voices of many who have spoken are stilled in death. On several r)ccasions, the Confederacy was on the very eve of success, but some unexpected fatality intervened. At Shi- loh within a half hour of the capture of the Federal Army with Grant and Sherman at its head, a single bullet which caused the death of Albert Sidney Johnston changed the his- tory of the Continent. At Chancellorsville, one scattering volley fired by mistake of his own men took the life of Stone- wall Jackson, when but for that fatality the capture of Hooker and his whole army was inevitable. The unexpected humiliation of the Federal Government in surrendering Review and Conclusion. xvii Mason and Slidell to British threats avoided a war with that power and with it the independence of the South, which would have come with the command of the seas which was within the power, at that time, of Britain's fleet. If Stuart's cavalry had been on hand at Gettysburg, or even a competent Corps commander to have held our gains of the first two days, in all human probability the war would have ended in a great Southern victory at that spot. Had Mr. Davis, when he sent his commissioners to Englanci to negotiate a loan of $15,000,- 000, acceded to the pressure of foreign capitalists to make it $000,000,000, not only would the Southern finances not have broken down (which was the real cause of our defeat) and Southern troops have been amply supplied, but European governments would have intervened in favor of Southern In- dependence ere they would have suffered their influential capitalists to lose that sum. They have always intervened ererywhere for such cause. There were other occasions besides when a contrary event vould have brought about Independence. Xo troops in all history have fought better nor has any people shown better military qualities. But, as jSTapier said of Xapoleon, "For- tune, that name for the unknoirn comhinations of an infinite power, was wanting to us and without her aid, the desigms of man are as bubbles on a troubled ocean." Historical experience in other countries has been that the disbanded soldiers after a long war, having contracted habits of idleness, have been a source of long continued disturbance. Xot so with the Confederate veterans who at once went to work to repair the ravages of war and rebuild the fortunes of their sorely devastated country. Xot only that, but they were the mainstay of order and in many places when the discarded camp-followers of the other side were not restrain- ed by the commanders of that army, these were sternly given to understand that if order was not otherwise maintained, tlie ex-Confederates could and would establish it. Unawed by garrisons of the victorious army, and unse- dueed by the blandishments and temptations offered them, these soldiers of a Lost Cause took their stand for Anglo- xviii Review and Conclusion. Saxon civilization and saved the South from the fate of Hayti and the West Indies. Their services in the years suc- ceeding- the war were as truly great and as worthy of lasting gratitude as those rendered from 1861 to 1865. The youngest who wore the gray have crossed the crest of the narrow ridge that divides two great oceans and already, like Balboa, they have descried from the western slope the wide waste of waters which reaches beyond the sunset. Xot many years shall pass ere the last of those who followed the fortunes of Lee and Jackson, of Johnston and Forrest shall have set sail on that shoreless sea, and the last footfall of the tread of the old Confederate regiments whose march shook a Continent shall be echoing in eternity. Then these volumes ?]iall preserve to a distant posterity the memory of a courage and a patriotism and a spirit of self-sacrifice which our sons should not willingly let die. My Comrades, to have been deemed worthy of labor for you and with you is honor enough for any man. To one and all I give my thanks for your groat patience and your U7i- failing courtesy. Raleigh, N. C, ' / .i:2^ 31 December, 1901. Errata. — There are over 1,000 engravings (instead of 900 as above stated) of which 13 are full page engravings and there are 32 maps. LIST OF HISTORIANS AND CONTRIBUTORS. By the editor. For information, to tlie following list of contribntors is appended a memo- randum of the occupation of each since the war. Where one has held official position, only the higliest is given. There are 179 writers exclusive of the editor and :ii54 articles, including those written by him. The writers held, it will be noted, every position in the army from Lieutenant-General to pri- vate, and since the war have distributed themselves among nearly all the professions and ordinary occupations of life. Aiken, R. A., Captain Vol. IV, p. 117 Merchant, Murphy, N. C. Albright. Jno G., Lieutenant IV — 99 Merchant, County Commissioner. Died 1890. Alexander, J. W., Lieut -Commander C. S. N .IV — 733 Died Liucolnton. N. C, 1898. Ashe, S. A. , Captain A. A. G V— 137 Member Gen. Assembly 1870. Ed. Observer, Lawyer, Raleigh, N. C. Avery, A C, Major 1—337, IV— 371 Judge Superior Court 1878-1889, Judge Supreme Court 1889- 1897. Morganton, N. C. Bailey, Isaac H. , Captain Ill— 447 In Business, Bakersville, N. C. Barringer, Rufus, Brigadier-General I — 417 State Senator 1852, Chairman Rep. St. Exec. Com. Died 3 Feb- ruary, 1895. Battle, Kemp. P., Member Con v. 1861 V — 647 Public Treasurer 18ti()-'7, President University 1875; Prof. History University N. C. since 1891. Beall, Jas. F, Major 11—129 Member Gen. Ass. 1883. Physician, Davidson County. Bennett, R. T., Colonel 1—705 Judge Superior Court 1880, M. C. 1880-'84. Berrier, H. R., Sergeant V — 627 Farmer, Davidson County. Betts, a. D , Chaplain IV— 597 Methodist Minister, Sampson County, N. C. Bradley, Robt. H., Private V — 577 Marshal Supreme Court since 1879. Brenizer, A G, Colonel IV— 131 Bank Officer, Charlotte, N. C. Broadfoot, Chas. W.. Colonel IV — 9 Member Gen. Ass. N. C, 1870-72, Lawyer, Fayetteville. Brown, H. A., Colonel 1—185 Prominent Citizen and Capitalist, Columbia, Tenn. Brown, T. J. , Major 11—789 In business, Winston, N. C. Bryan, E. K., Adjutant II— 507, V— 161 In business, New Bern, N. C. XX Historians and Contributors. BuRGWY-N, W. H. S. . Captain 11—591, IV— 481, 569 Col. 7th Md. Regt., Col. 2nd N. C. Regiment Spanish War, Au- thor Md. Digest, Lawyer, Bank President, Weldon, N. C. BusBEE, Fabius H , Lieutenant IV — 583 U. S. District Attorney, Raleigh, N. C. BusBEE, C. M.. Sergeant-Major 1—281, V— 619 State Senator 1874, Grand Sire Odd Fellows 1890, President State Bar Association 1901-2, Raleigh, N. C. Caho, W. T. , Sergeant Ill— 725 State Senator 1874, Lawyer, Bayboro, N. C. Cain, William, Cadet Captain V— 637 I'rofessor University of N. C, Chapel Hill. Callis, G. B., Brigadier General U. S. A., V— 611 Member CouKitss Wisconsin. Died 1897 Cantwell, Jno. L , Colonel IV— 721, V— 23 Veteran also Mexican War, Secretary . Produce Exchange, Wil- mington, N. C. Carr, Julian S., Private IV — 581 One of Founders Blackwell's Mfg ' o.. Commander State Veterans As- sociaiiou, Millionaire. Durham, N. C. Cathey, B. H. , Lieutenant I — 751 In business. Bryson City, N. C. Cheek, W. H., Colonel 1—445, 775 Lawyer, Henderson, N. C. Died 23 March, 1901. CiLLEY, C. A , Captain U. S. A V— 169 Judge Superior Court N. C. 1867-8. Died 1898. Clingman, Thomas L., Brigadier-General V— 29, 197 Resigned from U. S. Senate 1861, to join C. S. A. Died 3 No- vemt)er, 1897. CoLE, James R., Colonel . . .V— 629 Supt. Military School, Dallas, Texas. CooKE, Charles M., Adjutant Ill— 287 State Senator 1874; Solicitor 1877-8; Secretary of State 1895-7; Lawyer, Louisburg, N. C. Cowan. John, Captain 1—177 Secretary Board of Audit and Finance, Wilmington, N. C. Died 1900. Cox, W. R., Brigadier-General IV — 443 Judge Super.or Court 1877-80; M. C. 1881-87; Secretary U. S. Senate 1894-1900; Farmer and Lawyer, Edgecombe Co., N. C. Cross, J. F. , Lieutenant IV — 703 Farmer, Sunbury, N. C. Gumming, James D., (.'aptain IV — 861 in business Brooklyn, N. Y. Died January, 1902. Daves, Graham, Adjutant II — 161 Author and Man of Letters, New Bern, N. C. Davidson, Jno. M. , 11—727 R. R. Agent, Farmer. Kingston, Georgia. Davidson, Theo. F. , Lieutenant ... II — 699 Att'y General N. C. 1884-92; Mayor of Asheville 1895. Davis, T. C. Sergeant 11—745 Postmaster, Morehcad, N. C. Denson, C. B., Captain IV— 409 Teacher, Sec'y N. C. Ag'l. Society, Raleigh, N. C. DeRossett. W. L. , Colonel I — 215 Commander State Veteran Association 1896-7, Wilmington, N. C. Dixon, B. F. , Captain Ill— 151 State Auditor N. C. 1901; Major Second N. C. Reg't 1898 (Span- ish War). Historians and Contributors. xxi Ellington, J. C. , Lieutenant Ill — 161 Civil Engineer City of Raleigti. Elliott, Chas. G., Captain IV— 527 Treasurer N. & C. R. R. Died 14 August, 1901. Elliott, Gilbert, Adjutant V — 315 Lawyer, St. Louis, Mo., and New York. Died 9 May, 1895. Evans, .1. W., Corporal Ill— 713 Register of Deeds Dare Co., Merchant, Manteo, N. C. Ferguson, Garland S. , Lieutenant ... II — 291 Solicitor 12th District 1879-1892, State Senator 1876, Waynes- ville, N. C. Flanner, Henry G. . Captain V — 617 Druggist, Wilmington, N. C. Died 1885. Flowers, Geo. W., Lieutenant- Colonel ... II — 675 Merchant, Taylorsville, N. C. Frazier, F. C, Lieutenant IV — 335 Farmer, High Point, N. C. Gaither, Bi'rgess S , V — 57 Member Congress C. S., Lawyer, Morganton, N. C. Died 1892. Galloway, Jno. M Ill— 529 Prominent Citizen, Madison, N. C. Gordon, A., Major 1—3, 23, 37, 39, 45 Planter, Hulda, La. Graham, James A. , Captain 11—425, IV— 501 Lawyer, State Senator 1872; Washington, D. C. Graham, John W , Major V — 1 75 Member State Convention 1868; State Senator 1868-'9; and 1876-'77; Lawyer, Hillsboro, N. C. Graham, Robt D. , Captain Ill— 313 Chief of Bureau, Dept. Interior; Lawyer, Washington, D. C. Graham, W. A. Major 1—50, II— 79 Planter. Lincoln Co.. N. C. Several times in N. C. Legislature, President Farmers' Alliance. Son of Hon. W. A. Graham, C. S. Senator and brother of Major Jno. W. Graham, Captain Robert D. Graham and Captain Jas. A. Graham, who are also Historians in this work. Green, AVharton J., Lieutenant-Colonel IV — 243 Member of Congress 1883-87; Farmer, Fayetteville, N. C. Grimes. Bryan, Major General V — 247 Farmer, Pitt County; Assassinated 14 August, 1880. Grizzard, James M., Captain IV — 645 Member Gen. Ass. 1895; Lawyer. Died 1901. Hale, E. J . Major 1—69 Consul to Manchester, England ; Ed. Fayetteville Observer. Hampton, E. R , Hospital Steward IV— 385 Clerk U. S. Dist. Court 1870-1884. Lawyer, Sylva, N. C. Hannah, J. George V— 643 Insurance Agent, Slier City, N. C. Harper, G. W. F., Major Ill— 431 In Gen. Ass. 1881; Prest. Lenoir N. G. R. R. 1894; Prest. Bank Lenoir, N. C. Habrill, L. . Captain I — 771 Prominent Physician. Statesville, N. C. Habbis, J. S. . Capt. , 1—361 Wounded three times. Merchant, Davidson College, N. C. Hill, D. H , Lieutenant-General V— 15 President Uni. of Arkansas. Died 25 September, 1889. Hill, Joshua B. , Sergeant 11—767 U. S. Marshal, Raleigh, N. C. XXII Historians and Contributors. HiNES, Peter E., Surgeon IV— 623 Prominent Physician, Raleigh, N. C. Hinsdale John W. , Colonel IV — 35 Prominent Lawyer, Raleigh, N. C. HoGE, Rev. Dr. Moses D . V— 341 Presbyterian Minister, Richmond, Va. Died 6 January, 1898. Holt. E. J., Lieutenant IV— 91, 580 Sheriff Johnston Co.; Member Gen. Ass. 1874-8; Merchant, Smithfield. Johnson, Bradley T., Brigadier-General V — 213 Lawyer, Baltimore, Md. Johnston, Jos. F. , Lieutenant IV — 531 Governor of Alabama 1898-'9. Jones, Hamilton C, Colonel Ill — 405 state Senator 1809-1871; U. S. Dist. Atty. 1884-88; Lawyer; Char- lotte, N. C. Jones, John T. , Lieutenant-Colonel V — 133 Killed 0 May, 1864, at the Wilderness. Kearney, H. C, Lieutenant I — 733 Sheriff of Franklin Co. since 1878, Louisburg, N. C. Kenan, Thos. S., Colonel Ill— 1, 19, IV— 689, V— 611 Attorney-General 1876-1884; Clerk Supreme Court since 1887, Raleigh, N. C. Kennedy, John T., Colonel IV— 71, 370 Member Gen. Ass., Farmer, Goldsboro, N. C. Lamb, William. Colonel 11-629, V— 317, 351 Prominent business man, Norfolk, Va. Lamb, Wilson G., Lieutenant II — 1 Merchant, Wllliamston, N. C. Lane, James H., Brigadier-General 11—465, IV— 465, V— 93, 645 Prof. A. & M. College, Auburn, Ala. Lattimore. Thos. D., II — 581 Clerk Superior Court Cleveland Co.; Treasurer Manufacturing Co., Shelby, N. C. Lawhon, W. H. H, Captain III-113 Meni!)er Gen. Ass. 1897; Baptist Minister, Moore Co., N. C. LiLES, E. R., Lieutenant-Colonel ... V— 63 Farmer, Anson Co. Died about 1894. LiNNEY, Romulus Z., V— 285 State Senator; M. C; Lawyer, Taylorsville, N. C. London, Henry A., Private II — 531 Courier who carried last order to charge at Appomattox; Ed. Chatham Record; State Senator 1901. Pittsboro, N. C. London, W. L., Captain IV — 513 Merchant, Pittsboro, N. C. LoYALL, B. P., Commander C. S. N., V— 325 Resides Norfolk, Va. LuDWiG, H. T. L, Drummer 1—387 Professor Mount Pleasant College, N. C, 1871-1900. Died 28 July, 1900. LusK, Virgil S., IV— 371 Member (ien. Ass. 1895-1897; U. S. Dist. Atty 1868-1884; Law- yer. Asheville, N. C. MacRae, J. C. Major 1—281, IV— 379 Judge Superior Court N. C. 1882-1892; Judge Supreme Court 1892-5: Prof. Law Uni. of N. C, Chapel Hill, N. C. MacRae, Walter G., Captain IV— 713 Sheriff of New Hanover; Civil Engineer. Wilmington, N. C. Maglenn, James, Chief Engineer V — 335 Master Machinist. Hamlet, N. C. Historians and Contributors. xxiii T 1 K7 Manly, Matt., Captain ^ Mayor and Postmaster at New Bern. Mangum, a. W., Chaplain. . . . .■ ... -••-••■ -^ IV— 745 Methodist Minister; Prof. Uni. N. C. Died 1890. Martin Jas. G., Brigadier-General a. v, ; a: ^~ ^ ^'^^^"^,Vaduate West^ Point; Lawyer, Asheville, N. C. Died 4 Octo- ber, 1878. ^"^"p\-oXsso^r'un'^°N'^C.- and "Davidson ' Co-llege. Died 2.3 •March. "^ Maxwell, David G. , Captain IV— 405 In business, Charlotte, N. C. McDowell, B. G , Lieutenant-Colonel Ill— 515 Atty at Law, Bristol, Tenn. McKethan, a. a.. Lieutenant • ^- ' ' :: ' '■i}}^~~'^^^ Clerk Superior Court Cumberland; Manufacturer; FayetteviUe, N. C. McKiNNE, David E., Captain IV— 25 Merchant, Princeton, N. C. McLaukin, W. H , Adjutant H" ^^ Farmer, Laurinburg, N. C. McNeill, Thos. A o x ' i " ; ' " ' W W IV-303 Judge Superior Court, 1898. Lumberton, N. C. Meadows, E. H., Sergeant ... ... ...••■ • ■ • ■ II-^p^"^' ^'"^^^ In business and Bank and R. R. Director. New Bern, N. C. Means, Paul B., Private • ■ • HI— 545 Member Gen. Ass. 1874-^; btate Senator 18a5 and 1889; Lawyer. ( on- oord.N. C. Metts, James L, Captain • Prominent ^ itizen, Wilmington, N. C. Mills, G. H., Lieutenant ••.••,, t iom IV— 137 In business. Kutherfordton. Died 10 January, 1901. Montgomery, W. A. , Lieutenant ■■■■;:■■■■■■■ ■■■ ^-^^^' V— 257 Justice Supreme Court since 1895. Raleigh, N. C. Moore, John W., Major „■■■.„■•./ • -1^—261 Editor "Moore's Roster, " Historian and Novelist, PowellsviUe, N. C. Moore, M. V.. Captain Ill— 673 Editor and Farmer. Died 1900. Moore, T. C, Lieutenant IV— 221 Farmer, Bladen County. MoREHEAD, Jas. T , Colonel • • ■ Ill— 255 State Senator 1872; Lawyer. Greensboro, N. C Morris, B. T., (^aptain ^ V ' x^ " ' m~^^^ Chairman County Commissioners Henderson County; Farmer. Mullen, James M., ^ ■ : ' „ V V ' '^ ' vn '^"^^^ state Senator N. C; Judge Hustings Court, Petersburg, \a. Myrover, J. H., Lieutenant ... ■ IV— 341 Editor, Man of Letters, FayetteviUe, N. C. Officer of Shenandoah • • ■ • * The name is unknown, l)ut supposed to be one of the Surgeons of the ship. Osborne, E. A., Colonel .• : . " '., xt n ' R.<,in.pnt^~^^^ Minister Episcopal Church; Chaplain Second N. C. Regiment Spanish War 1898. Charlotte, N. C. Outlaw, E. R., Captain „V ,.-.^ xr n ' ' ^""^^^ Sheriff Bertie Co. 10 years; Planter. Bertie County, N. C. Parker. Frank M. , Colonel II— 49o Farmer. Enfield, N. C. XXIV Historians and Contributors. Parker, W. Fletcher. Lieutenant IV — 71 Member Gen. Ass. 1901; Merchant and Farmer. Enfield, N. C. Patton, Thos. W., Captain Ill— 499 Twice Mayor, Co. Commr., Philanthropist and Financier, Ashe- ville, N. C. Pickens, S V., Adjutant IV-109, 36S Lawyer, Hendersonville, N. C. Pool, S. D , Colonel, 1—489; V— 19, 83 Ed. "Our Living and Our Dead"; Supt. Pub. Instruction N. C. 1878-80. Died in Louisiana 1902. Powell. C. S. , Adjutant IV— 329 Sheriff of Johnston Co.; Merchant. Smithfleld, N. C. Powers, L. E., Lieutenant. . . II — 147 Member Gen. Ass. 1879-1883, Architect, Rutherfordton, N. C. Prisoners at Johnson Island to Gov. Vance IV — 697 Ramsay, John A. , Captain I — 551 State Senator; Civil Engineer. Salisbury, N. C. Ramsey, N. A , Captain ... Ill — 503 Surveyor, Durham, N. C, Ray, James M., Lieutenant-Colonel Ill — 473- Real Estate Agent, Asheville, N. C. Ray, Neill W., Captain 1-293: V— 605 Lawyer; Mayor of Fayetteville, N. C. Died 1899. Rawley, T. L., Captain 1—701, IV— 551 In business, Winston, N. C. Rivenbark, Chas W.. Sergeant ... .IV — 725 V — 595 In business, Charlotte, N. C. RoBBiNs, W. M. , Major V— 101 Member Congress 1872-78; Com. Gettysburg Battlefield since 1894. Roberts. W. P . Brigadier General . . .II — 99 State Auditor 1877-1891; Consul to Victoria, B. C, 1893-1897. Gatesville, N. C. Robinson, Jno. H. . Adjutant Ill— 223 Accountant, Fayetteville, N. C. Rogers, J. Rowan, Lieutenant Ill — 103 bueriff Wake County 1887-1891; Farmer. Raleigh, N. C. Rose, George M.. Adjutant Ill — 685 Speaker N. C. House of Reps. 1883; Lawyer, Fayetteville, N. C. Rose, W.N., Corporal 11—269 Farmer, Johnston County, N. C. RouLH.AC, Tiios. R.. Lieutenant Ill — 125 Judge Superior Court Alabama. Sheffield, Ala. Sanders. J. W. , Lieutenant I — 499 Physician, Carteret County, N. C. ; Shaw, W. P. , Lieutenant Ill— 455 Clerk Superior Court Hertford County. Winton, N. C. Smith. N. S., Adjutant 1-689 Farmer, Forsythe Co. Sparrow. Thom.\s. Major. V — 35 Member Gen. Assembly 1858-9: Lawyer. Washington, N. C. Died 14 January, 1884. Sprunt, James, Purser V — 353- Large shipper and British Vice Consul, Wilmington, N. C. Stedman, Charles M.. Major Ill— 21, V— 207 Lieutenant-Governor 1889-1893; Lawyer. Greensboro, N. C. Historians and Contributors. xxv ,y ^y Ill— 729 bTRiNGFl^ELD,^ Gen. Ass 1883;' state" Senator 'iVoi; Surveyor, Waynes- ville, N. C. Sutton, Thomas H. , Private ■ ■ ■■ •;■■•••■•.•. p"~ " Member Gen. Assembly 1887, 1889, 1891, 1897; Judge Criminal Court 1897-8; Fayetteville, N. C. ^ TV 9Q^ Taylor, MATTHiiw P ^^ Insurance Agent. Wilmington, N. C. Thorn E, E A., Lieutenant ^--^ ^- V \j'n ^ ~^' ^ County Commissioner; Farmer, Halifax County, JN. C. Thorp, John H., Captain ■ -^ ■■- ■, ■ :^ ■ ■ I^— ^^ State Senator 1887; Lawyer; Farmer, Nash County, N. C. Rocky Mount. ToLAR, A. H. H., Captain ^'— 98 Editor, jJamon, Texas. Toon Thos. F., Brieadier-General .. • • • • • -T^I— HI 'superintendent Public Instruction 1901-1902. Died February 1902. Lumberton, N. C. Tredwell, Adam, Paymaster in Navy ^ — 299 In business, Norfolk, Va. Turner, Yi^e-s E.. Captain 11—181 Dentist, Raleigh, N. C. TuTTLE, RoMuix'S M., • A —599 Presbyterian Minister, Collierstown, va. Underwood, George C, Assistant Surgeon 11—303 Physician, Chatham County, N. C. Vance Robert B.. Brigadier General 11—485 Member Congress \S72-H->. U. S. Comm'r Patents 1884. Died 1900. Vance, Zebulon B. , Colonel ^ -^ • ■ ■ ■■■■,w '^^ ~"*^^^ Three times Governor of N. C, and four times elected U. b. Senator; Lawyer. Died 1893. Waddill, J. M., Lieutenant HI— '^^ Merchant, Greenville, S. C. \M ATT H C^ Spro'pant — lol Cotton ' Mamifacturer, Meni{)er Gen. Ass. 1899, Rockingham. N. C. Died 1900. Walton, T George ^-^ • V— 635 Promineut Citizen, Morganton, N C , now 86 years old. Watson, Cyrus B., Sergeant • ■ y- -ioQi.^^"" ^^ State Senator 1889, 1891; Dem. Candidate for Governor 1896, Lawyer, Winston, N. C. Webb, Lewis H., Captain ■ IV-355 Franklin, Va. Died 8 February, 1902. Webb, Robert F. , Colonel I^ ~^^'^ Farmer, Durham County. Died 1890. Weston, James A., Major /•,;•;.• • • ' V ' 'A ' W ^^~^^^ Minister Episcopal Church; Author of "Marshall Ney in North Car- olina." Wharton, Rufus W,, Lieutenant Colonel .111—703 IV— 225 Member State Board of Agriculture; Farmer. Washington, N. C. Wheeler, Woodbury, Captain IV— 315 L,awyer, Washington, D. C. Died 1900. Whitaker, Spier, Adjutant ■„;„ ■ • • -^ ~^' Judge Superior Court 1890-4; Major 6th U. S. Vols. 1898 (Span- ish War). Died June, 1901. White, B. F., Captain V— 581 Merchant, Alamance County, N. C. White, John, Commissioner V— 453 Merchant, Warrenton, N. C. Died . XXVI Historians and Contributors, Wiggins, Octavius A 11—658 In business, Wilmington, N. C. Williams, Arthur B. , Captain I— 537 Mnyoi- Fayettevilie 1875; Chairman Co. Commrs; in buciness, Fayetteville, N. C. Williams, J. Marshall, Lieutenant Ill — 267 Fanner, Fayetteville, N. C. Williams, R. S , Captain 1—653 Farmer, Guilford County. Wynns, Jas. M. , Lieutenant-Colonel. IV— 365 Member Gen. Assembly, Merchant, Murfreesboro, N. C. Yellowly, E. C, Lieutenant-Colonel V— 55 Lawyer, Greenville, N. C. Died 1885. Young, Louis G , Captain IV— 555, V— 113 Merchant, Savannah, Georgia. The Editor I— v, xi, xiii, xiv; IV— 1, 65, 69, 97, 107, 129, 133, 224, 270, 301, 302, 338, 339, 383, 397. 398, 399, 400, 401, 403, 407, 435, 649; V— iii, vii, xix, 1, 3, 8, 17, 71, 298, 573, 587, 626. NUMBER OF TROOPS FROM NORTH CAROLINA. By the editor. By the Adjutant-General's report 19 J^ovember, 1864, it appears as follows: Transferred to Confederate States by original rolls on file 64,636 No. of conscripts to 30 September, 18,585, bnt report of General Holmes 9 Febrnary, 1865 21,348 Enlisted number of recruits since 1862 21,608 Number of North Carolinians serving in other States 3,100 Number of detailed men (in three regiments and one battalion) . . 3,117 Number Junior Reserves 4,207 Number Senior Reserves 5,686 Number in State Troops 3,203 Total 126,905 Additions by coming of Military age after 19 November, 1864, and other additions, probably 2,000 Total 128,905 Besides nine regiments of reorganized Home Guai'ds 1864-'65. . . . 5,000 Grand total 133,905 Which is sliglitly in excess of Major Gordon's estimate in Vol. 1 of this work, at page 10. The total enrollment in the li.ome Guards in the Spring of 1864 was 25,098. This embraced men from 45 to 50, and 5,589 militia officers, magistrates and other civil officers exem})t from Confederate service and other exemptions and those exempt from physical disability. This latter class was reported to the Confederate Congress at 7,885. It is proba- ble that the exemptions of all kinds from the Home Guards vere one-half, leaving 12,500 in Home Guards. Of this numl)er 6,000 were later taken into Confederate service as Senior Reserves, leaving the Home Guards only 6,500, of whom, however, when finally ordered out not more than 5,000 (as above stated) got to the front. The number of officers, 1,312, which were not very excessive before the Home Guard was depleted by taking out the Senior Reserves, became nearly one-fourth of the force when mobilized, as appears 1 2 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. from the official returns of the three Home Guard Kegiments at Kinston September-November, 1864, and their number an embarrassment. In the early part of the war the ''State Troops" consisted of the first ten regiments and the Thirty-third, which were en- listed at the start "for three years or the war," the others being twelve months men or "Volunteers." But the State Troops in above table are the Sixty-seventh and Sixty-eighth Regi- ments, the First Heavy Artillery Battalion (herein styled iVintli Battalion), the Fifteenth Battalion (cavalry), and Fourteenth Battalion (cavalry), which later was raised to a regiment, the Seventy-ninth (or Eighth Cavalry). These commands were never turned over to the Confederacy, having been raised for service in the State, though they served under Confederate Generals, like all others. EXEMPTIONS. As a matter of interest, the following table is here given of exemptions in this State which were reported to the Con- federate Congress in February, 1865. 129 Off. Rec. TJnion and Confed. Armies, 1101 : Physical disability 7,885 State officers (including in this 2,650 militia officers) 5,589 Ministers of the Gospel 400 Editors 21 Newspaper employees 99 Apothecaries 31 Physicians 374 Presidents and College Professors 173 Presidents, etc.. Deaf, Dumb and Blind 5 Overseers and Agriculturists ... 246 Railroad officers and employees 967 Mail contractors 100 Mail drivers 47 Non combatants (Quakers) 342 Foreigners 167 Special exempts 49 Agricultural details 329 Shoemakers, tanners, etc 437 Total 17,261 The State also furnished a large number of negroes from time to time to work on fortifications under Confederate au- thority. NUnBER OF GENERALS FROn mnm cflROLiNfl. By the editor. The total number of Confederate troops was between 600,- 000 and 050,000. The troops from North Carolina in Con- federate service as above was over 125,000, or about one-fifth. The Confederacy appointed the following General Officers {20 So. Hist. Papers, 111): Full Generals 6 Full Generals (temporary) 2 Of these none from North Carolina. Lieutenant-Generals 21 From North Carolina two or one-tentJi. Major-Generals 99 From North Carolina 6 (or including J. F. Gilmer 7) instead of 20, her quota. Brigadier-Generals 480 From North Carolina 25 (or including General Rains, 26) instead of ho' quota, 96. Of her twenty-five Brigadiers, four were temporary ap- pointments and two of them were returned to their former rank as Colonels after a few weeks service, and of her Major-Generals, also one was a temporary appointment. Of her two Lieutenant-Generals, one had his appointment withdraAvn after rendering distinguished services in com- mand of his Corps at Chickamauga, and the Senate had no chance to confirm him as Lieutenant-General. Investigation shows that Brigadier-General Gabriel J. Rains and Major-General Jeremy F. Gilmer were appointed from this State and should be added to the list of Generals given in the preface to Vol. 1. Neither, however, com- manded North Carolina troops. General Rains commanded 4 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. an Alabama Brigade in 1862 and thereafter was in the En' gineer Corps. General Gilmer was Chief of Engineer Bu- reau, and for a while Chief of Staff in the Army of the West. After the war he settled in Georgia and General Eains in Ar- kansas. With Generals Rains and Gilmer added and including the temporary appointments above mentioned, out of 008 Gen- eral Officers appointed by the Confederacy, this State had only 35 instead of 122, which would have been her one-fifth, in proportion to troojjs furnished. Governor Vance's letter books show repeated protests by him against this discrimination. It is not too much to say that by common consent in the army Peflder, Hoke, and Pet- tigrew were entitled to command' Corps or even Armies, and we doubtless had others who would have proven themselves competent for high conunands if opportunity had been fur- nished them. It was only by urgent representations that Governor Vance secured the brigading of North Carolina troops to- gether in Lee's army and that most of the commanders of North Carolina brigades were North Carolinians. As to the Arm}^ of the West, that was never done, though the Legisla- ture in 1864 passed a resolution requesting that the North Carolina regiments in that army should be brigaded together and a North Carolinian made Brigadier. In fact, Colonel David Coleman, of tlie Thirty-ninth, for a long time com- manded Ector's Brigade, in which was that regiment and the Twenty-ninth, but he never received his merited promo- tion. The Junior Reserves Brigade 12 March, 1865, peti- tioned (unknown to Colonel Coleman) that he be promoted Brigadier-General and assigned to command them, but the application was not granted. The same discrimination against this State in the appoint- ment of General Officers was shown in the Revolution and even in the recent war with Spain. THE n; PUBLIC ASTOIl, L TILDEN FC GENERALS COMMISSIONED BY STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, 1861-5. 1. Walter Gvvynn, Brigadier-General. 2. Jno. W. McElroy, Brigadier-General. ^. David Clark, Brigadier-General. 4. Collett Leventhorpe, Brig'r-General. .5. James G. Martin, Ad.iutant-General. 6. Daniel G. Fowle, Adjutant-General. 7. R. C. Gatlin, Adjutant-General. 8. John F. Hoke, Adjutant-General. QENERflLS COMMISSIONED BY THE STATE. By Lieutenant E. A. THORNE, Ordnance Officer, Ransom's Brigadk. During the war there were eight Brigadier-Generals under State commission, who commanded troops at the front or oth- erwise rendered active service. 1. Brigadier-General John F. Hoke, Adjutant-General of the Militia. Through him the volunteer regiments were or- ganized down till his election as Colonel of the Twenty-third Regiment, when he resigned. Later he resigned as Colonel of that regiment and in 1864 was elected Colonel of the Sev- c-ntj'-third Ttegiment (First Senior Reserves) and in Octo- ber, 1864, was placed in command as Senior Colonel of a brigade consisting of the Seventy-third, Seventy-fourth and Seventy-sixth Regiments (First, Second and Third Senior Reserves), which were in Confederate service and assigned to duty guarding Federal prisoners at Salisbury and scouring the three adjacent Congressional Districts for deserters. 2. Brigadier-General James G. Martin, who was Adju- tant-General under the act to raise the eleven regiments called ^^State Troops," who enlisted in the beginning for "three years or the war." After the resignation of Adjutant- General Hoke he was Adjutant-General of the entire service of raising and equipping troops and likewise charged with the defence of the State. It was on his suggestion that Gov- ernor Vance began the importation of army supplies through the medium of the Ad-Vancc. In May, 1862, he was ap- pointed Brigadier-General in the Confederate States service and some months later a question being raised as to his right to hold both commissions, he resigned the State appointment and took command of a brigade in the field. In 1864 he was sent to Asheville and placed in command of that depart- ment, surrendering at Waynesville 10 May, 1865, the last surrender this side the Mississippi. 6 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. 3. On General Martin's resignation, Daniel G. Fowle was appointed Brigadier and Adjutant-General, but held the posi- tion only a short time, being soon elected to the Legislature from Wake County. Previous to this appointment he had been Lieutenant-Colonel of the Thirtj^-first Regiment and had been captured at Roanoke Island. In 1888 he was elected Governor. 4. Brigadier-General Walter Gwyun was an Engineer officer of high repute and was, on the outbreak of the war, as- signed by the State to the supervision of our coast defences. His reports, still on file, are valuable and show that if his suggestions had been followed we should not have lost Hat- teras and thus opened the door to the host of evils which beset Eastern Korth Carolina the remainder of the war. With Hatteras securely held all Eastern North Carolina would have been exempt from invasion as fully as the Cape Fear country was till the loss of Fort Fisher. He resigned in 1862. 5. On the resignation of Adjutant-General Fowle, Richard C. Gatlin, who was the senior Brigadier-General from North Carolina in the Confederate service, resigned and was ap- pointed Brigadier and Adjutant-General in State service. He rendered most efficient duty organizing the Home Guards, assisting the conscript service, and supervising the State Troops, which were the Sixty-seventh and Sixty-eighth Regi- ments, the First Heavy Artillery Battalion, the Fifteenth (cavalry) Battalion (Wynns'),and Fourteenth Battalion (cav- alry) later Seventy-ninth Regiment, for none of these were ever turned over to the Confederacy. The Sixty-eighth was raised entirely from men w^ithin the territory occupied by the Federals. General Gatlin's letter and order books show the great range of his work and the faithfulness and ability with which he executed it. 6. Brigadier-General David Clark in January. 1862, was assigned to the command of the defences of Roanoke river, not so much by virtue of his command of a brigade of militia (from Halifax, Northampton and Warren) as by special ap- pointment from the Governor by reason of his knowledge of that section. The militia of Bertie, Washington, Edgecombe Generals Commissioned by the State. 7 and Martin were also placed under his orders, and authority was given him to impress slaves, teams and supplies for his purpose. On the fall of Roanoke Island he assembled his militia at Plymouth, subsequently falling back to William- ston. These orders were renewed by General S. G. French and General T. H. Holmes, who successively came in charge of the department. The Thirty-fourth Regiment under Col- onel Leventhorpe and the Thirty-eighth under Colonel W. J. Hoke were sent to his assistance, but he was not relieved of the command till late in April when Colonel Leventhorpe suc- ceeded him. This is the only instance of a General of Mili- tia being in active service during that war in this State — though it was common practice in the Revolution and in 1812-15- — and this, as just stated, was rather a special as- signment to duty than by virtue of his previous commission. 7. Brigadier-General John W. McElroy was appointed by Governor Vance 19 September, 1863, under the act of 7 July, 1863, to establish a "Guard for Home Defence" — commonly called Home Guards. He and General Leventhorpe, ap- pointed a year later, were the only two Generals of the ''Home Guards." General McElroy was assigned to duty in charge of Home Guards of several counties adjacent to his headquarters at Burnsville to protect that section against raids from East Tennessee and was on duty till the surrender of Johnston. 8. Brigadier-General Collett Leventhorpe had served as a Captain in the English army. He was successively Colonel of the I'hirty-fourth and Eleventh ^orth Carolina Regiments and was wounded at Gettysburg. In 1804 he was appointed by Governor Vance Brigadier-General and assigned to com- mand the three Home Guard regiments which were assembled at Kinston in September, 1864. On 3 February, 1865, he was ap]iointed Brigadier-General in the Confederate service but remained in command of these troops. He was at Greensboro 14 April, 1865, and notified General Beaure- gard on that date that his troops were leaving for home. 100 Off. Rec. Union and Confed. Armies, 800. But the same thing was taking place at that time among all the troops, for it was plain to all alike that our hope of success had passed. /^ORTH CAROLINIANS Ot\ MILI- TARY COURTS. By the editor. By General Orders 20 December, 1862, 12S Off. Records Union and Confed. Armies, 2JfS, there was established nine permanent military courts, one for each corps. Each court consisted of a presiding judge and two associates, all of the rank of Colonel, and a Judge Advocate. jSTorth Carolina was represented on these courts as follows : On court for Jackson's Corps, Colonel David M. Carter, Associate Judge. On court for E. Kirby Smith's Corps, Colonel Thomas Ruffin, Presiding Judge. On court for G. W. Smith's Corps, Colonel William B. Rodman, Presiding Judge. Out of the thirty-six officers of the nine courts, North Car- olina had only these three representatives, though at the time fully one-fifth of the troops under arms were from this State. GENERAL AND FIELD OFFICERS RILLED, By Lieutenant E. A. THORNE, Ordnance Officer, Ransom's Brigade. GENERALS. Major-General William D. Pender. " " Stephen D. Ilamseur. " W. H. C. Whiting. Brigadier-General L. O'B. Branch. '' " Junius Daniel. " " James B. Gordon. " G. B. Anderson. " " J. J. Pettigrew. " Arch. C. Godwin. COLONELS. Montford S. Stokes, First Regiment. Charles C. Tew, Second Begiment. Gaston H. Meares, Third Begiment. Geo. B. Anderson, Fourth Regiment, promoted to Brig- adier-General and killed. James H. Wood, Fourth Regiment. Thos. M. Garrett, Fifth Regiment. Charles F. Fisher, Sixth Regiment. Isaac E. Avery, Sixth Regiment. Wm. D. Pender, Sixth Regiment, promoted Major-Gen- eral and killed. Reuben P. Campbell, Seventh Regiment. Henry M. Shaw, Eighth Regiment. James B. Gordon, Ninth Regiment, promoted Brigadier- General and killed. James A. J. Bradford, Tenth Regiment, died in service. Junius Daniel, Fourteenth Regiment, promoted Brigadier- General and killed. Philetus W. Roberts, Fourteenth Regiment, died in ser- vice. 10 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Kobert M. McKinney, Fifteenth Regiment. Champ T. N. Davis, Sixteenth Regiment. Thos. J. Purdie, Eighteenth Regiment. Solomon Williams, Nineteenth Regiment. Matthew L. Davis, Nineteenth Regiment. Clinton M. Andrews, Nineteenth Regiment. J. Johnston Pettigrew, Twenty-second Regiment, pro- moted Brigadier-General and killed. Daniel H. Christie, Twenty-third Regiment. Charles C. Blacknall, Twenty-third Regiment. Henry K. Burgwyn, Twenty-sixth Regiment. Wm. H. A. Speer, Twenty-eighth Regiment. Edward C. Brabble, Thirty-second Regiment. L. O'B. Branch, Thirty-third Regiment, promoted Briga- dier-General and killed. Clark M. Avery, Thirty-third Regiment. Richard H. Riddick, Thirty-fourth Regiment. John G. Jones, Thirty-fifth Regiment. ^ Charles C. Lee, Thirty-seventh Regiment. William M. Barber, Thirty-seventh Regiment. George B. Singletary, Forty-fourth Regiment. J. Henry Morehead, Forty-fifth Regiment, died in service. Samuel H. Boyd, Forty-fifth Regiment. Robert C. Hill, Forty-eighth Regiment, died in service. Stephen D. Ramseur, Forty-ninth Regiment, promoted Major-General and killed. James K. Marshall, Fifty-second Regiment. Marcus A. Parks, Fifty-second Regiment. Wm. A. Owens, Fifty-third Regiment. A. C. Godwin, Fifty-seventh Regiment, promoted Briga- dier-General and killed. Peter G. Evans, Sixty-third Regiment. James H. McNeil, Sixty -third Regiment. Alex. D. Moore, Sixty-sixth Regiment. W. C. Walker, Eightieth Regiment. LIEUTEjSTANT-COLOXET.S. Walter vS. Stallings, Second Regiment. William M. Parsley, Third Regiment. General and Field Officers Killed. 11 Junius L. Hill, Seventh Regiment. Thomas Ruffin, iSFinth Regiment. Francis W. Bird, Eleventh Regiment. George S. Lovejoy, Fourteenth Regiment, died in service. John C. Lamb, Seventeenth Regiment. R. K. Pepper, Twenty-first Regiment. Saunders Fuller, Twenty-first Regiment. Franklin J. Faison, Twentieth Regiment. Robert H. Gray, Twenty-second Regiment, died in service. C C. Cole, Twenty-second Regiment. John T. Jones, Twenty-sixth Regiment. Thomas L. Lowe, Twenty-eighth Regiment, died in service. William W. Sellers, Thirtieth Regiment. Oliver C. Petway, Thirty-fifth Regiment. John A. Graves, Forty-seventh Regiment, died in prison. John A. Flemming, Forty-ninth Regiment. James T. Davis, Forty-ninth Regiment. John R. Murchison, Fifty-first Regiment. Caleb B. Hobson, Fifty-first Regiment. James C. S. McDowell, Fifty-fourth Regiment. M. Thomas Smith, Fifty-fifth Regiment. Edmund Kirby, Fifty-eighth Regiment. James T. Weaver, Sixtieth Regiment. Edward J. Mallett, Sixty-first Regiment. Elias F. Shaw, Sixty-third Regiment. Clement G. Wright, Sixty-sixth Regiment. H. L. Andrews, Second Battalion. MAJORS. Tristam L. Skinner, First Regiment. John Howard, Second Regiment. A. K. Simonton, Fourth Regiment. John C. Badham, Fifth Regiment. Henry McRae, Eighth Regiment, died in service. John H. Whitaker, ISTinth Regiment. Thomas N. Grumpier, Ninth Regiment. Egbert A. Ross, Eleventh Regiment. Edward Dixon, Fourteenth Regiment, died in service. Lucius J. Johnson, Seventeenth Regiment, died in service. 12 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. John S. Brooks, Twentieth Regiment, Alexander Miller, Twenty-first Regiment, died in service. W. J. Pfohl, Twenty-first Regiment. Laban Odell, Twenty-second Regiment. E. J. Christian, Twenty-third Regiment. William S. Grady, Twenty-fifth Regiment. Abner B. Carmichael, Twenty-sixth Regiment. Thomas W. Mayhew, Thirty-third Regiment. Eli H. Miller, Thirty-fourth Regiment. George M. Clark, Thirty-fourth Regiment. John M. Kelly, Thirty-fifth Regiment. Owen ]Sr. Brown, Thirty-seventh Regiment. Thomas McGee Smith, Forty-fifth Regiment. Benjamin R. Huske, Forty-Eighth Regiment. John Q. Richardson, Fifty-second Regiment. James J. Iredell, Fifty-third Regiment. James A. Rogers, Fifty-fourth Regiment. James S. Whitehead, Fifty-fifth Regiment, died in service. A. T. Stewart, Fifty-eighth Regiment. Thos. W. Harris, Sixty-third Regiment. Charles M. Roberts, Seventy-ninth Regiment. John W. Woodfin, Woodfin's Battalion. E. A. Thobne. AlRLIE, N. C, 9 April, 1901. N. C. TR00P5--VHERE STATIONED 21 NOVEnBER, 1861, By brigadier-general JAMES G. MARTIN. First Regiment, Matliias Point, Virginia. • Second Kegiment, Fredericksburg, Virginia. Third Eegiment, Acquia Creek, Virginia. Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Regiments, Manassas, Va. Seventh Regiment, Bogue Island, near Fort Macon, j^. C Eighth Regiment, Roanoke Island, JSTorth Carolina. Ninth Regiment, near Centreville, Virginia. Tenth Regiment, Companies B, II and F, heavy artil- lery. Fort Macon, North Carolina ; Company C, light battery, near New Bern, North Carolina ; Company G, light battery, near Fort Macon ; Company D, light battery, near Centre- ville, Virginia ; Company E, light battery, near Port Royal, South Carolina; Company A, light battery, Smithfield, Vir- ginia ; Company I, heavy artillery, near New Bern, North Carolina ; Company R, prisoners of war taken at Hatteras. ''Bethel" Regiment, disbanded 13 November. Twelfth Regiment, Norfollv, Virginia. Thirteenth and Fourteenth Regiments, Smithfield, Va. Fifteenth Regiment, Yorktown, Virginia. Sixteenth Regiment, en route to Manassas from Western Virginia. Seventeenth Regiment, the field officers and Companies D, F, G, H, and I, were taken prisoners of war at Hatteras, the balance of the regiment is at Roanoke Island and in Hyde County, North Carolina. Eighteenth Regiment, near Port Royal, South Carolina. Nineteenth Regiment, Companies D, E, F, I and K, are at Edenton, North Carolina, not mounted ; A, C and H at New Bern, North Carolina, mounted ; B and G at Washington, North Carolina. 14 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. Twentieth Tiegiment, Forts Johnston and Caswell, N. C. Twentj-first and Twenty-third Regiments, Manassas, Va. Twenty-second Regiment, Evansport, Virginia. Twenty-fourth Regiment, ordered from Western Virginia to Petersburg, Virginia. Twenty-fifth Regiment, near Port Royal, South Carolina. Twenty-sixth Regiment, Bogue Island, near Fort Macon. Twenty-seventh Regiment, Companies A, B and G at Fort Macon ; the balance at Fort Lane, near New Bern, N. C. Twenty-eighth Regiment, near Wilmington, N. C. Twenty-ninth Regiment, at Raleigh under marching ordets to Jonesboro, Tennessee. Thirtieth and Thirty-first Regiments, near Wilmington, N. C. Thirty-second Regiment, Companies G, H, I and K taken prisoners at Hatteras ; the other six companies are stationed near Norfolk, Virginia. Thirty-third Regiment, Companies A, B and C in Hyde County ; the balance in this city getting equipped. Thirty-fourth Regiment, at High Point, North Carolina. Thirty-fifth Regiment, at Raleigh without arms. Thirty-sixth Regiment, the six companies on the coast of North Carolina. Thirty-seventh Regiment, organized at High Point to-day. No arms. Two more regiments can be organized soon if arms can be furnished for them. The above does not incliide the battalion and companies that have tendered their services to the Confederacy. They would form, at least, two regiments. I am very respectfully, J. G. Martin. Kaleigh, N. C, 21 November, 1861. Note. — The above is report of Adjutant General Martin, 21 November, 1861, to Adjutant General Samuel Cooper, C. S. A. DEEDS OP DARING-SIX HEROES. By D. H. hill, Lieutenant-Generau There were at least six instances in the siege of Petersburg in which shells, with burning fuse attached, were picked up and thrown over the breastworks. On inquiry, each of these brave men were from North Carolina and their names and commands were as follows : 1. Captain Stewart L, Johnston, Company II, Seventeenth Xorth Carolina liegiment, says: '"A shell from one of the enemy's mortars fell in the midst of the company, and while it was s])inning round like a top and the fuse still burning. Private William dames Auslxni picked it up and cast it over tlie breastworks where it immediat(dy exploded. General Beauregard in genei'al orders directed his name to ho ])laced on the Roll of Honor and that he be ])rescnted with a silver modal." 2. Colonel J no. E. Brown, Ptjrty-second Xorth Candina liegiment, says: '^Private Frank Campbell, Company F, of this regiment, though belonging to the Drum Corps, was frequently on the firing line. On one occasion a loaded shell fell into the trenches at Petersburg. Campbell caught it up immediately and threw it outside, before it could explode, thereby saving the lives of a nund)er of his comrades. On an- other occasion he threw water upon a shell for a like purpose. lie was from Davie CViunty and survived the war." ?>. Captain T. J. Adams, Company K, Forty-ninth Xorth C'^i'olina Pegiment, says: ''Private William Guffey, of my company, while rubbing up his field piece, as he was pleased to call his rifle, had the misfortune to have it smashed by a mortar shell. Seeing the shell, with the fuse burning rap- idly and almost ready to explode, he cried out, 'Why, there is the darned old thing frying now,' and gTabbing it up, threw it over the breastworks." 4. Captain li. D. Graham, Company D, Fifty-sixth Xorth Carolina Pegiment, writes: "On 18 June, 1864, the next dav after the terrific nieht liattle of 17 June, a batterv to the 10 XoRTii Cakoi.ika Tkoops.. ]8G1-'G5. light of tlie Baxter road tlirew a shell into a ditch where the 'Crater' afterwards exploded on 30 July, which ditch was crowded with men from our regiment. Its explosion would have caused a great loss of life, but quick as thought, Private John Alvis Parker, of my company, had it upon his spade and threw it over the breastworks, saying, "Get out of here." It exploded as it went over. There was no braver deed dur- hig the war. I heard that the same thing was done by a member of Pegram's Battery the same day." 5. Adjutant W. L. Faison, Sixty-first North Carolina Reg- iment, says: "I send you the name of Sergeant Thomas L. Graves, Company A, of this regiment, as one of the six 'name- less heroes.' On 3 June, 1864, at Cold Harbor, while the enemy was shelling our works, a shell fell in the trench oc- cupied by our regiment, in a smoking condition and almost ready to burst. It was at once seized by this brave man and thrown over the parapet." 6. Captain Jas. D. Cumming, Cumming's Battery, Com- pany C, Thirteenth [N'ortli Carolina Battalion, writes: "While Butler was 'bottled up' at Bermuda Hundreds, during a heavy cannonade on 3 June, 1864, a shell from a 32-pound battery, just opposite our position, fell into our trenches and rolled under the trail of a gun by which I was standing. Pri- vate J. P. Pierce, from Columbus County, IST. C, of my bat- tery, raised the shell and threw it over the jiarapet. General Beauregard in a general order complimented his bravery and ]n-esence of mind." D. H. Hii.T.. Charlotte. N. C. , 9 April, 18G7. Note —The above is taken from Vol 2, Ltind We Love ( 1866-67) edited by General Hill, in which mnch valuable material for the history of the War is preserved, which is also true of Colonel Stephen D. Pool's valuabe volumes Our Lmiuj and our Dead. There is no record of all those who cap- tured flags from the enemy, but in 69 Of. Bee. Union and Confed Armies 806 is an official report of the capture 12 May, 1864, of the flag of the 51st Penn. regiment by Lieutenant O. A. Wiggins, Co. E, 37th N. C. regi- ment; of the flag of the 17th Michigan by Lieutenant J. M. Grimsley, Co. K. 37th regiment, N. C, and of a brigade guidon by Private James H. Wheeler, Co. E. Eighteenth N. C. regiment. It is to be regretted that a complete list of the brave men from this State who thus captured Hags from the enemy can not now be made. OTHER DEEDS OF DARING. By the editor. Among the many other deeds of striking gallantry are the following whose memory has been preserved to us by reso- lutions of thanks by the General Assembly, for they are not mentioned in any of the articles in these volumes. On 4 July, 18G3, the General Assembly passed a resolu- tion of thanks to "Captain John Elliott, of Pasquotank county, his officers and men, for the gallant manner in which they captured the two Federal steamers, Arroiv and Emily, (mail boats), the former in Albemarle and Chesapeake canal, the latter in North river, and bringing the same through Al- bemarle Sound and up the Chowan and Blackwater rivers and placing them safely under our guns at Franklin, Va., a distance of 120 miles from the place of capture, and that, too, while nmuorous gnn-boats were cruising the same route.'^ On 7 'Tuly, 18(33, the General Assembly passed a resolu- tion of thanks to a "detachment of six men," of Ca])tain S. C. Barringlon's company, of iMajor Jno. N. Whitford's Bat- talion, "for their gallant and daring conduct in boarding and capturing the crew of one of the enemy's boats (the Seabird) on the waters of Neuse river, and in burning and destroying said boat and cargo," and requested that Major Wliitford should "forward a list of the names of the brave men who have thus distinguished themselves" that they might be placed on the roll of honor. Captain Barrington's company was from Craven and when Whitford's Battalion was increased and became the Sixty- seventh Regiment, it was Company B, of that command. On recent investigation by Major Graham Daves these facts are learned: "The schooner Seabird was captured at the mouth of South river, off the Garbacon Shoals, and far within the Federal lines. The names of the scouting party, 'a detachment of six 2 18 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. men,' are, or rather were — for all except the first mentioned are now dead — Eobert F. Stillej, James M. Carmady, Benj. JF. Edwards, Frank Howard, Cyrus J. Mayo and Wiley Tlowe. Stilley was in command of the party. All were of Craven County." Captain Jno. T. Elliott's became later Company A, of the Sixty-eighth Regiment, and was from Pasquotank County. The incidents connected with the above captures by his com- pany should noAv be hunted up and the names of the brave participants preserved if these lines should strike the eye of any having knowledge of the facts. The same should be done as to the acts which caused the General Assembly to pass a res- olution of thanks 23 December, 1864, "to Captain John A. Teague, Twenty-ninth Regiment Xorth Carolina Troops, and t(. the brave officers and men under his command for the ef- ficient manner in which they have discharged their duties in defending the western border of our State from the inroads of the enemy and depredations of bands of lawless men." The capture in ISTeuse river of the steamer Mystic 5 April, 1865, and of the side-wheel steamer Minquas and two barges on Y April, 1865, by small detachments of the Sixty-seventh, then operating in Sherman's rear, is told in Vol. 3 of this w^ork on p. 710, and the capture of a steamer in New River 28 November, 1862, by Company A, of the Forty-first regi- ment (Third (^avalry), and a section of Adams' battery is narrated in Vol. 2, p. 774. Doubtless there were other inci- dents of a similar kind creditable alike to the courage and enterprise of our troops whose memory should be preserved by surviving comrades before it is too late. fl NORTH CAROLlfifl HEROINE. By colonel STEPHEN D. POOL, Tenth Regiment (1 Art/ North Carolina Troops. ISTews had been received at headquarters at Kinston in No- vember, 18G2, that two Generals of the Federal army — one of them commanding in North Carolina, would, on a certain day, pass from Morehead to New Bern. It was advisable, in view of certain contemplated movements, to capture the train and secure the officers. At 10 o'clock p. m., I received orders to proceed at once to Trenton, take a detail of men from Major Nethercutt's command, and, if possible, on the day named, capture the train. At 2 a. m., I reached Trenton io find Major Nethercutt absent on one of his usual scouting expeditions. Awaiting his return at daylight, I made my- self comfortable, and was about to indulge in a morning nap, when the clatter of the feet of a horse, at full gallop, caused me to step to the door of the court house to see what was in the wind. The sentinel upon duty had halted the rider, and was receiving from him a paper to be immediately delivered to the officer in command. To my astonishment, the note bore no address, and upon being opened the blank page of half a sheet of letter paper was all that met my eye. The rider, an elderly countryman, unknown to me, was breathing his jaded horse preparatory to return; but could give me no other information than this: About 1 o'clock a. m., he was aroused from his slumbers and on going to his door, found a lady on horseback who gave him the note, and told him to take it at full speed to Trenton and give it to any Confederate officer he should find on duty there, as it contained important information. In a few moments thereafter, I was in the pri- vate room of a citizen of Trenton, and his kind wdfe was warming an iron, for my use. Applied to the seemingly blank sheet of paper, heat soon enabled me to see what I de- 20 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. sired. Foster had returned two days sooner than anticipated and was to leave that very morning with a force most accu^ rately detailed on the sheet before me, on an expedition, having, in my opinion, the railroad bridge at Weldon for its objective point. The object of my expedition being thus frustrated, I returned immediately to Kinston, and gave the information I had procured through the intrepid daring of one of New Bern's daughters to the officer in command. Steps were promptly taken by the General commanding the department, and such an array of troops were placed in front and upon the flanks of the Federal General as caused him rapidly to retrace his steps. The lady's name appended to that note has never been told — her secret has been locked in my breast — my superior officer, respecting my motive in de- siring to keep it, only requiring my pledge that the writer was worthy of credit. I doubt if the writer of that note knew into whose hands it fell or the good it accomplished. Wlien I state that she was a young lady, tenderly reared, and then in the very morning of her maidenhood, her night ride at great personal risk, to convey useful information, can be properly appreciated. Stephen D. Pool. Note.— The above is taken from Vol. 4, p. 123 of "Our Living and Our Dead, " Recent investigation shows that a young lady living in New Bern sent the letter out (written probably with milk, which a hot iron will disclose) by another lady living in the country who could pass the pickets, and she delivered it to the messenger in the manner stated. Both ran great risk. — Ed. Captures and Battles, fl CAPTURE BEFORE THE VAR. OCCUPATION OF FORTS BELOV VlLniNQTON 10 JANUARY, 1861. By JOHN L. CANTWELL, Colonel Fifty-First Regiment, N. C. T. The fact that the State of North Carolina was slow to fol- low the secession movement of her more Southern sister States was the cause of much chafing among her people in the east- ern counties, and especially along the seacoast, where it was urged that the Federal Government was likely, at any mo- ment, to garrison the forts commanding Cape Fear river, and Beaufort harbor. Thepeople of Wilmington were particularly exercised over the possibility of such a step being taken, and it is likely that the knowledge of this strong feeling, and the impression that it would be regarded as an act of coercion, alone deterred the Washington Government from sending down strong garrisons and am])le munitions of war. Fort Caswell, commanding the main entrance to Cape Fear river, was a bastioned, masonry fort of great strength, and in thorough order, but without mounted guns. Once oc- cupied and armed it would have been impossible for the Con- federates, without command of the sea, to have retaken it, and the port which afterwards proved of such inestimable value to them would have been effectually sealed. The Fed- eral fleets having free entrance there, would have held the shores on either side of the river for some distance up, and commanded, from a safe interior base, the entrance through ISTew Inlet, for the defence of which Fort Fisher was after- wards built, and that historic and epoch-making earthwork would ]ivobably never have been constructed. In the State at large the union sentiment was at this time slightly in the ascendent. In the lower Cape Fear section the secessionists were probably in the majority. These re- 24 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. garded delays as dangerous, and anticipated with forebodings the occupation of the forts by the Union forces. Early in January, 1861, alarmed by the condition of af- fairs in Charleston harbor, they determined to risk no longer delay. A meeting of the citizens of Wilmington was held in the court house, at which Robert G. Raukin, Esq., presided, who afterwards gave his life for the cause on the battle field of Bentonville. A Committee of Safety was formed, and a call made for volunteers to be enrolled for instant service un- der the name of "Cape Fear Minute Men." The organiza- tion was speedily effected, John J. TIedrick being chosen com- mander. On 10 January Major Hedrick and his men embarked on a small schooner with provisions for one week, the Commit- tee of Safety guaranteeing continued support and supplies, each man carrying such private weapons as he possessed. Arriving at Smithville (now Southport) at 3 p. m., they took possession of the United States barracks known as Fort John- son, and such stores as were there in charge of United States Ordnance Sergeant James Reilly, later Captain of Reilly's Battery. 'J'he same afternoon Major Hedrick took twenty men of his command, reinforced by Captain S. 1). Tliruston, commander of the "Smithville Guards," and a number of his men and citizens of Smithville, but all acting as individuals only, and proceeded to Fort Caswell, three miles across the bay, where they demanded, and obtained, surrender of the fort from the United States Sergeant in charge. Major Hedrick assumed command and prepared to make his position as secure as was possible. About twenty-five strong, armed only with shotguns, but sure of ample rein- forcements should occasion arise, these brave men determined to hold Fort Caswell at all hazards. In bitter cold weather they stood guard on the ramparts and jiatroled the beaches, reckoning not that, unsustained even by State authority, their action was treasonable rebellion jeo})ardizing their lives and property. There were only two 2-t-])ounder guns mounted, one on the sea face and one on the inner face, both carriages being too decayed to withstand their own recoil, but, such as they were, with them thev determined to defy the armv and A Capture Before the War. 25 navy of the United States. The smoke of an approaching steamer being once descried below the horizon the alarm was signaled, and, believing it to be a man-of-war, the brave men of Smitliville flew to arms, and soon the bay was alive with boats hurrying them to the aid of their comrades within the fort. Women, as in the old days, armed sons and fath- ers, and urged them to tlie front. But the steamer proved to be a friendly one. Upon recei])t of unofficial information of this movement, Governor John W. Ellis, as Captain-General and Command- er-in-Chief of the JSTorth Carolina Militia, 11 January, 1861, addressed a letter to Colonel John L. Cantwell, commanding the Thirtieth Hegiment JSTorth Carolina Militia, at Wil- mington, in which, after stating his belief that the men were "actuated by patriotic motives," he continued : "Yet, in view of the relations existing between the Gen- eral Government and the State of ISTorth Carolina, there is no authority of law, under existing circumstances, for the occupation of United States forts situated in this State. I cannot, therefore, sustain the action of Captain Thruston, however patriotic his motives may have been, and am com- pelled, by an im})erative sense of duty, to order that Fort Cas- well be restored to the ])ossession of the authorities of the United States. "You will proceed to Smitliville on receipt of this commu- nication and communicate orders to Captain Thruston to withdraw his troops from Fort Caswell. Y^ou will also in- vestigate and report the facts to this department. "By order of John W. Eli.is, " C aptain-General and C ovimander-in-Cliief "GEAriAiM Daves, "North Carolina Militia." "Private Secretary and Acting Adiutant-General." Upon receipt of this order on the 12th, Colonel J. L. Cant- well notified the Governor that he would proceed at once to Fort Caswell, accompanied by Robert E. Calder, Acting Ad- jutant, and William Calder, Acting Quartermaster, two staff officers temporarily appointed for that duty. Transporta- tion facilities between Wilmington and Smithville were then 26 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. very limited. Colonel Cantwell and his aids embarked on a slow sailing sloop which became becalmed within four miles- of Smithville. They were put into shallow water from whence they waded and walked to Smithville, where they secured, with difficulty, because the populace was almost unanimously opposed to their supposed mission, a pilot boat in which they sailed to Fort Caswell, arriving there after dark. After some parleying, and not without reluctance, they were admitted and conducted to Major Hedrick, to whom the following order was delivered : "To Major John J. Hedrick', Commanding Fort Caswell: "Sir: — In obedience to the order of His Excellency, John W. Ellis, Governor, Etc., a copy of which I herewith trans- mit, it becomes my duty to direct that you withdraw the troops under your command from Fort Caswell, and restore the same to the custody of the officer of the United States^ whom you found in charge. Respectfully, "John L. Cantwell^, "Colonel Thirtieth North Carolina Militia. "Robert E. Caeder. "Acting Adjutant." The garrison asked until the next morning to consider what repl}' should be made and, on the morning of the 13th this was returned : "Colonel John Tj. Cantwell: "Sir: — Your communication, with the copy of the order of Governor Ellis demanding the surrender of this post, has been received. In reply I have to inform you that we, as North Carolinians, will obey his command. This post will be evacuated to-morroAv at 9 o'clock, a. m. "John J. Hedrick^ "George Wort mam, "Major Commanding. "Acting Adjutant." The fort was evacuated on the next day. Colonel Cant- well and his Aides returned to Wilmington and reported the A Capture Before the \Var. 27 facts to Governor Ellis. The United States Sergeant again assumed control of the Government property. Thus matters remained in this section nntil AjDril of the same year, the State in the meantime drifting steadily to- wards secession and war, and the people sternly arming and preparing. The local military companies in Wilmington were frilly recruited, and the former "^Minute Men" per- manently organized as the "Cape Fear Light Artillery," un- der which name they served through the war. On 14 April came the firing upon Fort Sumter, followed on the ir)th l)y a call from the Secretary of War upon the Governor of North Carolina for "two regiments of military for immediate service." Immediately the Governor tele- graphed orders to Colonel J. L. Cantwell, at Wilmington, "to take Forts Caswell and Johnson without delay, and hold them until further orders against all comers." Colonel Cantwell, as commander of the Thirtieth Regiment North Carolina Militia, promptly issued orders to "the officers in command of the Wilmington Light Infantry, the German Volunteers, and the Wilmington Rifle Guards, to assemble fully armed and equipped this afternoon" (15th), which was promptly obeyed. On the morning of the 16th the Governor telegraphed Colonel Cantwell to proceed at once to the forts "and take possession of the same in the name of the State of North Carolina. This measure being one of precaution merely, you will observe strictly a peaceful policy, and act only on the defensive." The force under Colonel Cantwell's orders moved promptly. It consisted of the Wilmington T>ight In- fantry, Captain W. L. DeRosset ; the German Volunteers, Captain C. Cornehlson ; the Wilmington Rifle Guards, Cap- tain O. P. Meares ; and the Cape Fear Light Artillery, Lieu- tenant James M. Stevenson, commanding. At 4 p. m., United States Sergeant James Reilly surrendered the post at Fort Johnson, where Lieutenant Stevenson was left in com- mand with his company. The remainder of the battalion, under Colonel J. L. Cantwell, proceeded to Fort Caswell and took possession at 6 :20 p. m., Sergeant Walker, of the United States Army, being placed in close confinement in his quar- 28 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. ters "in consequence of the discovery of repeated attempts to communicate with his government." Officers and men worked with vigor to mount guns and pre- pare for defence, and the work never ceased until the fall of Fort Fisher in 18G5, and the necessary abandonment of the defences of the lower harbor. The Wilmington Light In- fantry were soon after sent to Federal Point, where, in Bat- tery Bolles, they began the first defensive works which af- terward grew into Fort Fisher, and its outlying batteries. Thus was war inaugurated in North Carolina more than a montli prior to the act of secession, and it is a noteworthy fact that the news of the act dissolving its connection with the Union, and the call upon her sons to arm themselves was first made known to the pioneer troops of the Cape Fear on the parade ground at Fort Caswell. John L. Cantwell. Wilmington, N. C, 10 January, 1901. THE BATTLE OF Mfl^flSSflS. 21 JULY, 1861. By brigadier-general THOMAS L. CLINGMAN. On that (lay, General Beauregard was kind enough to lend me one of his horses, and during the entire battle, I was either with him or General Joseph E. Johnston. I will now confine my statement to the narration merely of some facts connected with the conduct of Colonel Fisher's regiment Between two and three a. m., our army seemed to be most pressed, the enemy then having gotten farthest in his ad- vance, on our left flank. Besides large masses of the enemy which had driven back our small force there engaged, Rick- ett's six-gun battery was pushed far forward to a point on the left of General Johnston's position, concealed, however, by a skirt of pine trees. Its shots passed by us and went many of them nearly a mile to the rear. Its rapid firing from this advanced position, indicated to every one the ad- vantage our adversaries had gained, and the situation seemed most critical. I felt confident that if the enemy could long maintain that position, our center would give way. General Johnston evidently impressed with the gravity of the situa- tion, exclaimed in a loud, earnest voice, ''If I just had three regiments! Just three regiments!" I looked to the rear through the open field and said, "Here they are. General." He took a hasty glance to the rear and said, '"They are too far ofi". I want them now!" The near- est of the regiments v>^as within less than a quarter of a mile. The men were bending forw^ard, marching up the hill as fast as possiWe. They passed seventy or eighty yards to the left and entered the pines, moving by the flank, directly towards Rickett's Battery. The other two regiments were slower in getting forward, and passed some hundreds of yards to our left. As the regiment which had marched so near went out of view among the pines, an ofiicer left it and came up to me. 30 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. He was Dr. Caldwell, the Surgeon, and informed me that it was Colonel Fisher's regiment that had gone in. I expressed to him my regret that I had not known it, that I might have spoken to the Colonel and other officers. I waited anxiously the result. The enemy were still pressing on ; this battery and others were .incessantly throwing their shot far to our rear, while the musketry fire on our side was slack. It ought to he stated, that as the enemy had turned our left flank with the larger part of his active fighting force earl}' in the day, as fast as our regiments could be gotten up they went in, and the collision was accompanied by heavy musketry discharges on both sides. As our troops were, how- ever, very greatly outnumbered by the masses of the enemy, and outflanked, they were forced back wdth much loss, and there would be a slackening of the musketry fire. The en- emy thus, by overlajiping our left, was able to make a steady advance, and was then getting in the rear of our center, or rather might soon have been there. Within fifteen minutes or less after Fisher's regiment passed out of view, suddenly the crash of musketry was louder than it had been at any time during the day. That battery suddenly become silent. It did not fire another gun that dav. The heavy musketry fire continued for more than half an hour and gradually become fainter. At length there was a dead pause for some moments. Believing the battle was over, 1 took out my watch. It was then precisely 4 ^'clock. There was no other musketry firing that day, till late in the evening near Centreville. I will now briefly state what had occurred. Colonel Fisher moved his regiment by the flank into the pines. Immedi- ately in front of them, and on his right as he marched ob- liquely towards the left of our line, there was an open field. In it, about sixty yards from the woods, Rickett's Battery was stationed. From it, towards the woods, the ground slightly rose, so that he was obliged to elevate his guns a lit- tle, that his shot might pass over the ridge at the border of the field. Outside of the field the ground descended into the wood. Colonel Fisher at the head of his regiment passed just inside the wood, below the crest of the ridge, along The Battle of Manassas. 31 gromid which was rising a little. Thus he did not see the battery until he, with some companies, had rather passed it. Captain Isaac Avery's company was just opposite the bat- tery. Finding themselves in this dangerous proximity, his •company and others near them fired suddenly into the bat- tery, only sixty yards distant. This fire killed most of the cannoneers as well as their horses. The men ran down on them, and finished the survivors with their muskets and bowie knives. Immediately after this. Colonel Fisher, having passed over the battery, received a ball in the brain and fell dead about thirty yards in the rear of the battery they had taken. Captain Isaac xVvery stated to me that while he Avas sitting for a moment on one of the captured pieces, he saw Colonel Fisher, who had moved forward to re- connoitre seemingly, but was waving his rifle above his head triumphantly. After his death, the regiment was obliged to abandon the guns, not by the enemy's fire, but by that of our own men. There was a regiment they thought from Alabama, on their left, but about two hundred yards in their rear, which continued to fire on them. It was this fire that killed young Mangum and several others. IMany think it probable that Colonel Fisher himself was thus killed. As his regiment had gotten so far in front, and was on ground so lately occu- pied by the enemy in heavy force, the mistake was made. The regiment was thus obliged to abandon the battery, but it was never used, or ever retaken by the enemy. I saw Lieu- tenant Douglas Ramsey Ijdng dead among the guns at the close of the fight, while the Captain (Rickett), wounded, was carried oft' a prisoner by our men. I can vouch for the accuracy of the above statements, partly from what I saw, and also chiefly from conversations, which I had on that day and the succeeding one, with officers and privates well known to me. The official reports of Bar- ry, the Chief of the Federal artillery, and of General Heint- zelman, both confirm the truth of these statements. They said that this battery of Rickett's was pushed forward far in advance, and that a regiment on our side come up within sixty or seventy yards of it, and by a well directed fire disa- 32 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. bled it. Captain Kickett himself, while a j^risoiier, I was told about that time, said that as soon as he saw this regiment, he directed his guns to be lowered so that he could fire into it, but that before his order could be executed the regiment fired and disabled hiin, killed Lieutenant Ramsey and most of his gunners. This declaration of his confirms what sev- eral members of Captain Avery's company from Yancey told me at the time. They said "that battery would have ruined us but they were firing over our heads." Captain Avery told me that as soon as he saw the battery, he without waiting orders, directed his men to fire. It may be asked why these facts so honorable to Colonel Fisher and his regiment have not been officially or publicly recognized '. Colonel Fisher was himself killed and his only field officer then with the regiment, w^as Lieutenant-Colo- nel Lightfoot, who unfortunately, was not in the battle. He, with the two rear companies, was by some means sepa- rated from the balance of the regiment, as it was marching into battle. I saw him, and these two companies in the rear, after the battle had ended. The officers stated that while under his immediate conmiand, as the regiment was march- ing forAvard into the battle, they were separated from the other eight companies. Lightfoot, in their presence, for it was a general conversation, complained very much of Col- onel Fisher l^ecause he carried the regiment into action by the flank. He gave no other reason for not being in the en- gagement. Some days afterwards, when I urged him to make such a reiDort as would do justice to Colonel Fisher and the regiment, he merely reiterated his complaints about the regiment being carried into battle by the flank. ^Not having been in the battle himself, his report was not of such a char- acter as to afford a proper knowledge of the affair. I appealed to General Jos. E. .Johnston and requested him to have tlie facts made public, l)ut he replied that in making out his report he could only give such statements as come up to him from the reports of his subordinates. The service of Colonel Fisher and his regiment can not be over estimated on this occasion. Let it be admitted that it was a mere accident that he should have thus moved up by The Battle of Manassas. S3 the flank (the best mode in which he conld have moved), and thus gotten just to the place where he ought to have been. The opportunity thus afforded was rightly used, and most fortunately for the success of our army. Xeither then, nor at any time since, have I doubted that this movement saved the day to the Confederacy. If the gallant and noble Fisher, by this dasli, lost his life, who did more during the long and arduous struggle I Having from that day to this determined to endeavor to have justice done to his splendid and heroic action, I avail mvself of this occasion to sav something in that behalf. I saw him for the last time two weeks before his death, and his bright looks and generous words of thanks to me, for a slight service I had been able to render him and his command, are too vividly before me to allow me to let the occasion pass by without a brief tribute to his memory. Tkos. L. Clingman. ASHEVILLE, N. C, 21 July, 1874. THE FALL OF HATTERAS, 29 AUGUST, 1561. Diary of MAJOR THOMAS SPARROW, Tenth Regiment, (1 Art.) North Carolina Troops. Portsmouth, X. C, 27 August, Tuesday. The privateer steamer Goixlon ran into the inlet some time in the afternoon, and put David Ireland and two others of the crew on the shore. They re])orted in camp, the appearance of a fleet of United States steamers, seen off Hatteras, after they left that inlet. This news corresponded with a letter previously re- ceived by Captain W. T. Muse, of the navy, giving notice of the expedition. Captains Tamb and Clements were at Portsmouth from Hatteras attending a court-martial. These gentlemen ex- j^ressed their desire to return to their commands at Hatteras that night. I detailed Privates Wm. H. Hanks and Wood- ley to take the steaiuer ]\[. E. Downing to carry them. They left in the steamer about 10 o'clock. Dnring the afternoon I went to Fort Ocracoke with Lieu- tenant-Colonel G. W. Johnston, Major H. A. Gilliam, Cap- tains Luke, Company D ; John C. Lamb, Company A, and Clements, and took with me vSergeant William H. Von Eber- stein to assist in the defence of the fort, and to act as Ord- nance Officer. Lie went immediately to work preparing car- tridges and putting things in order. August 28, Wednesday. — I rose and dressed at reveille and went on drill with the company on the parade ground, near the church. Drilled two hours. On return from the drill. Major Gilliam called me to the front fence and stated that Colonel Martin had sent a dis- patch, ordering all the forces at Ocracoke to Hatteras, and requesting me to go. (I had been released from service in the Seventeenth Regiment, and was expecting orders to join Colonel Tew's Regiment in Virginia.) I at once gave or- 36 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. ders for the men to get breakfast, prepare two days' provis' ions, pack their knapsacks, take tent flys (for they had no tents), and prepare to embark. I aj)pointed T. Hardenburgh a lance Sergeant, and left him in charge of the camp, giving him written orders. Among these was one, that he shonld request Mr. B. J. Hanks to take certain of my coimmand expected from Washington, on the steamer Col. Hill, to Hatteras in the afternoon. An- other was on the approach of an enemy to take all the valua- ble baggage and the remaining men in camp to Fort Ocracoke, and if defeated in an attempt to do this, then to make the best of his way up the sound to Washington. The Washington Grays, forty-nine in number, exclusive of conmiissioned officers, were in line, uniformed and equips ped at 10 o'clock. I marched to the wharf, and embarked them for Hatteras, on the schooner Pantheon. The Morris Guards, Tar River Boys, and Hertford Light Infantry, embarked in other vessels. The Morris Guards took a vessel at Beacon Island, and so had several hours advantage. The others were towed by the steamer Ellis. Captain Muse embarked on her. So they had an advantage. Wind and tide being against us, we took a longer route round Royal Shoals, and so were the last to arrive at Hat- teras. The Ellis, with her tow, was only a half mile or so ahead of us when we arrived. When within ten or twelve miles from the inlet, we began to see the fleet off the fort, first from the rigging, then from the deck. As we drew nearer we began to count them — one, two, four, ten, thirteen ! There is a large fellow — there three others — there the small ones ! Occasionally a gun was heard, then another — then three or four in quick succession. The breeze freshened and favored us, and we began to make the fort and all about it very plainly. The decks and gunwales became crowded with men eager to see the bom- bardment, insomuch that the helmsman, a negro, could hardly see to steer the vessel. I had to order them constantly to trim the vessel. We soon had the fleet and both forts in full view. The The Fall of Hatteras. 37 Tar Kiver Boys were just ahead of us, towed in by the steamer Ellis. The Morris Guards were in a schooner at anchor near the Swash. We followed hard after the Ellis. We had an uninterrupted view of the fight. It was be- yond description. There lay the formidable fleet of large and small vessels off Forts Clark and Hatteras, and seem- ingly in the inlet, was a steamer of moderate dimensions, af- terwards known to be the Monticello. Part of the fleet were firing upon Fort Clark, and part upon Fort Hatteras, but the principal engagement seemed to be between Hatteras and the Monticello. We could trace every shot fired at the latter, and see every gun fired by her. Souie fell to the right of her, but a number we could see went into her. Fight struck her hull, and several penetrated through and thi-ough. We thought from our position that both forts returned the fire. This we afterwards learned to be a mistake. Fort Clark did not reply, being at that time in possession of the enemy. It was hard sometimes to dis- tinguish bet\\een the bursting of a shell in the fort, and a gun fired from it. Almost every shot was remarked by the eager men on board. There goes the big fort — there goes the little fort — that shot was too high — that too far to the right— -that one plugged her in the side, good for that, boys. There goes a broadside from the big steamer! How the shell burst over the fort! What beautiful white clouds of smoke they make I Such were some of the oft-repeated re- marks made by the men around me. I had never before seen a shell explode. It was sometime before I got to understand the thing. I saw from time to time beautiful little puft's of white, silvery smoke hanging over the fort without at first being able to account for them. I soon learned to know tliat it was where a shell had burst in the air, leaving the smoke or gas behind it, while the frag- ments had descended on their mission of destruction. As remarked before, there was such a continual roar of artillery, that we could not at our distance of one, two and three miles distinguish the bursting of a shell from the firing of a gun. At three-quarters of a mile from shore the Ellis grounded. The schooner in tow of her, containing the Tar River Boys. 38 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. was then detached to come to an anchor. The schooner with Captain Gilliam's company, was at anchor outside of all of us. We had passed her. This, as well as I could judge, was near 5 o'clock. My pilot did not know the way through the channel to the fort. About this time the firing had almost ceased on both sides, and the Monticello had hauled off the inlet. What was to be done 'I I came to anchor, had the boat lowered, and went off to the Ellis. Captain Muse informed me (by hail) that Fort Clark had surrendered, and that two men had been killed. He offered me a pilot, Mr. Mayo, and put him in my boat. I returned immediately to the Fan- ilu'ou, ordering the anchor to be Aveighed before I boarded. Just then two boats with Captain Muse, Lieutenant-Colo- nel Johnston, and others, pulled from the Ellis towards the shore. T was off in a few moments, beating up the channel, towards Fort Hatteras. When this was discovered by the enemy, they began to fire rifle shot and shell at u:*. The shells fell short, but the rifle shot flew by us in quick succes- sion. T had to make great exertions to keep my men below decks, out of the way of the shots. I remained on deck near the galley. Soon we discovered crowds of men sitting on the outside of the fort. We knew not what to make of it. No flag was flying in the fort, and I began to think that all was over. I ordered two hands in the boat, and pulled for the shore. The shot continued to fly over and beyond us, but none took effect. Landing, I gave orders that the vessel should go close to the shore, and disemliark the men as soon as possible. I then hastened to the fort, and entered through the sally-port. The soldiers sitting on the outside of the parapet, and on each side of the sally-port, looked fatigued and care-worn, but their faces lighted up as I saluted them, gave them a word of encouragement and passed into the fort. I found the men standing about in various directions, some with arms, others with muskets stacked, and all lookina; glad that the day's fight was over, and that reinforcements had arrived. They openly expressed joy at this latter occurrence. Cap- tain Lamb greeted me shortlv after I entered. He was as The Fall of Hatteras. 39 cheerful as usual and said he had defended Fort Clark during the morning until he had shot away nearly every pound of powder. On the front of the fort facing the ocean leaning against a traverse, I fouiid Colonel Martin, Lieutenant-Colo- nel Johnston and Captain Clements. The Colonel seemed feeble and worn out. All expressed the opinion that we should be attacked at night by the enemy's forces in posses- sion of Fort Clark. Estimated at about eight hundred. The PanfJieon containing the Washington Grays, sailed close into the shore and soon landed the men. I ordered Jesse Liverman, one of the cooks, to be sent up to assist in pre- paring coffee and food for tlio soldiers. A Yankee cook, from one of the prize schooners (the Samuel Chase), I or- dered to be kept on board, fearing that he might desert, and communicate with the enemy. I also ordered E. Harvey and A. Buckstarf to be kept on board to guard the vessel and pre- vent the hands from running her off. I did not allow the knapsacks of the company to be landed, fearing they might fall into the bands of the enemy. For the same reason I did not allow the tent flys to be lauded. I anticipated rhe result before leaving Portsmouth, and wrote a letter to my wife prejiaring her for the worse. I knew the enemy could shell us from the ocean, and that the armament of tlie fort was not sufficient for a successful re- sistance. I told the Adjutant-General this in Raleigh the last time 1 was in that city. All the men in the fort were in want of nourishment, my own men and self included. We got a little bread and coffee, but this was not general. The Winsloir, Confederate States steamer, arrived after dark, bringing Commodore Barron, Lieutenants Murdaugh and Wise, of the navy. Major AV. S. G. Andrews, Captain Muse and several of liis midsln]mien and sailors also came into the fort. Cjolonel ]\[artin and Major Andrews voluntarily surren- dered the command to Commodore Barron, who thereupon, assumed it. Lieutenant-Colonel Johnston had entered the fort a little in advance of myself. Major Gilliam arrived after dark. 40 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Tlie night was somewhat advanced before the Morris Guards and Hertford Light Infantry got into the fort. It became difficult after dark to find an officer until by common consent the tent of Captain Calioon, in the south angle of the fort, towards Fort Clark, became headquarters and remained so for the balance of the time, until the sur- render. OKDERS OF THE NIGHT. A sort of consultation was held on the steps near the navy gun, by Commodore Barron and the superior officers, at which I chanced to be present. Lieutenant-CJolonel Johnston remarked to me that he in- tended to take "that concern," meaning Fort Clark, during tlie night. This project was discussed and inquiry made as to the number of the enemy on the beach. The impression I derived from the answers of Captains Clements, Lamb and others, were that they numbered from seven hundred to eight hundred. They had landed howitzers and ritie guns, and had possession of two field pieces abandoned by our forces that morning. The forces in the fort w^ere worn down with fasting and fatigue. Part only of the forces from Ocracoke were landed, and it was well in the night before all were on shore. We were short of shell, powder and shot, provisions and water. All these had to be got into the fort. We had to send off for candles, as not one was to be had in the fort. These were needed for the Ordnance Officer to make up car- tridges for the morrow's use. It was concluded that we might hold the fort another day, and that on the night fol- lowing we should take Fort Clark. It was also resolved that we should waste no ammunition, and should fire only when we could so do, with effect. T was ordered to detail an officer to take charge of a picket guard of one hundred men and to select thirty men from my own company for this duty. I named Lieutenant James J. Whitehurst to take charge of the guard, and ordered him to select from our company thirty men, which he did. I was also ordered by Major Andrews to select a force from the various companies, and to get a 10-inch Columbiad from the The P'all of Hatteras. 41 sound side into the fort, and to put it into position during the night. I detailed ten men frum my company, ten from Captain Sharp's, and five each from four other companies for this duty. I gave charge of the whole to Private Wil- liam B. Willis, who was a ship carpenter, and had handled heavy guns successfully at Ocracoke. There was no block and tackle, nor anything of the sort, and no shears that could he used in moving or handling the guns. We succeeded in getting a line and some pieces of scantling for slides. I was engaged at the shore iu a seemingly vain effort to move the Columbiad, with our imperfect means, A\hen I was ordered to desist by Major Andrews, he alleging as a reason for the order that "there were neither 10-inch shot nor shell in the fort, and therefore the gun would be useless if mounted." THK NIGHT. Besides such of my men as were on picket duty, and other duty, some of them with Lieutenant Shaw, were occupied in landing men, water and ammunition a good part of the night. This left hut few in the fort, not on duty. These I left with Sergeant Bobbins behind the second traverse from the sally- port, facing the inlet, where they remained during the night. They leaned with their muskets against the traverses and slept upon the gun platforms as best they could, without blankets or covering of any sort. There came u]i a little scud of rain in the night, and to protect their muskets the men generally turned them butt up- wards, with the bayonets in the sand. The soldiers were some in the bomb-proof, some against the bomb-proof on the outside, some behind the traverses, some *&?> and to Lieutenant- Colonel Sixty eighth Regiment October, 1863. He was a leailing lawyer in Greenville. N. C, and died some years since. This article is taken from a letter he wrote to a relative 8 October, 1861, four days after the events he narrates. — Ed. 56 North Carolina Troops, ]861-'65. which they did not have time to finish and maiL They all breathed hostility to the South. Our regiment tried to head off the enemy. We could not get nearer to the land where we were sent, than two miles. We got out of our boats and tried to get ashore, but after wading about a mile, the water got too deep, and we had to go back. Our boys hated to go back. We were close to Hat- teras light house, and in sight of the enemy's shipping at Fort Hatteras. Night overtook us by the time we re-em- barked and we could not try to land any more that day. We were about twenty-five miles distant from the Yankees' camp at Chicamacomico. The Yankees had named it Live Oak Camp. They were the Twentieth liegiment of Indiana troops, commanded by Colonel Brown. We heard next day that they saw our regiment tiying to land, and being broken down running from the Georgians., who were pursuing them, they prepared to surrender to us, 15y stopping and shooting off their guns. The people on the island told this. They got rested before the Georgians came up with theui and went on and were reinforced from Fort Hatteras next day. Had we landed, we would have taken them all prisoners and blown up Hatteras light house. Bad generalship on the part of Colonel Wright prevented it. He had made boats, but would not let us have them to land in. He kept them to make good his retreat. Next day the Pawnee steamship came up from Hatteras and commenced firing at the Georgians. We could see it all from our boats out in Pamlico Sound. She fired about 200 guns at them, but never killed a man. The bombs would sometimes fall among them, but did not burst. Colo- nel Wright got back at night and all his men got off safely except one, who died from fatignie. It was a warm day. We got back here on Sunday night last, hungry, dirty and greatly fatigued. We had the enemy completely in our powei", but owing to his bad management and want of mili- tary skill, we failed to catch them." E. C. Yellowly. Roanoke Island, 8 October, 1S61. THE NEW YORK P-UBUC LIBRARY. astor, lenox and tilDEn foundations. BATTLE OF ROANOKE ISLaNK. FEB. 8, 1862. LOSS OF ROAflOKE ISLAND. 8 FEBRUARY, 1562. Report of Investigating Committee Confederate Congress. The committee to whom was referred a resolution of the House of Eepresentatives, instructing them to inquire and re- port the cases and circumstances of the capitulation of Roanoke Island, have had the same under consideration and have ffiven all the facts and circumstances connected with the defences of said Island and its adjacent waters, and of the capitulation on 8 February, a most elaborate investigation. The conunittee find that on 21 August, 1861, Brigadier-Gen- eral Gatlin was ordered to the command of the Department of Xorth Carolina and the coast defences of that State. On 29 September Brigadier-General D. H. Hill Avas assigned to duty in Xorth Carolina and charged with the defences of that portion of said State lying between Albemarle Sound and the iSTeuse river and Pamlico Sound, including those waters, and was directed to report to Brigadier-General Gat- lin. On 16 November Brigadier-General L. O'B. Branch was directed to relieve Brigadier-General Hill in command of his district in Xorth Carolina. On 21 December that part of the North Carolina coast east of the Chowan river, to- gether with the counties of Washington and Tyrrell, was, at the request of the proper authorities of Xorth Carolina, sepa- rated from the remainder and constituted into a military dis- trict under Brigadier-General II. A. Wise, and attached to the command of Major-General Huger, commanding the De- partment of Xorfolk. At the time therefore of the surrender of Roanoke Island on 8 February, 18(>2, it was within the military district of Note.— This is the report made by the Roanoke Island Investigating Committee by its Chairman, Hon. Burgess S. Gaither, to the House of Representatives in the Confederate Congress. — Ed. 58 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Brigadier-General Wise and attached to the command of Major-General linger. The military defences of Roanoke Island and its adjacent waters on the said 8 Febrnary, 1862, consisted of Fort Bar- tow, the most southern of the defences on the west side of the island, a sand fort well covered with turf, having six long 32- ponnd guns in embrasure and three 32-pounders en barbette. The next is fort Blanchard, on the same side of the island, about U\'<) and a half miles from Fort Bartow, a semi-circular sand fort, turfed, and mounting four 32-pounders en barbette. Next on the same side and about 1,200 yards from Fort Blanchard, is Fort Huger. This is a turfed sand fort, run- ning along the line of the l>each and closed in the rear by a low breastwork with a banquette for infantry. It contained eiglit 21-ponnd gnins in embrasure, two rifled 32-pounders en l:)arbette and two 32-pounders en barbette on the right. About three miles beloAv Fort Bartow on the east side of the island was a battery of 32-pound guns en barbette, at a ]ioint known as ^Midgett's llannnock. In the center of the island about two miles from Fort Bartow and a mile from IMidgett's Hammock, was a redoubt or breastwork thrown across the road, about 70 or SO feet long, with embrasures for Three guns, on the right of which was a swamp, on the- left a marsh, the redoubt reaching nearly between them and facing to the south. On the Tyrrell side on the main land nearly o]){)osite to Fort linger, was fort Forrest, mounting seven 32-pounders. In addition to these defences on the shore and on the island, rherc was a l)arrier of ]>iles extending from the east side of Fulker Shoals towards the island. Its object w^as to com]3el vessels ])assing on the west of the island to approach within reach of the shore batteries, but up to 8 February there was a span of 1,700 yards open opposite Fort Bartow. Some vessels had been sunk and piles driven on the west side of Fulker Shoals to obstruct the canal between that shoal and the main land, which comprised all the defences, either upon the land or in the waters adjacent. The entire military force stationed upon the island prior to and at the time of the late engagement consisted of the LoBB OF Roanoke Island. 59 Eighth Regiment North Carolina State Troops under the command of Colonel H. M. Shaw ; the Thirty-first Regiment of North Carolina Volunteers, under the command of Colonel J. V. Jordan ; and three companies of the Seventeenth Regi- ment North Carolina Troops under the command of Major G. H. Gill. After manning the several forts, on 7 February, there were but 1,024 men left and '200 of them were upon the sick list. On the morning of 7 February, Brigadier-General Wise sent from Nag's Head, under command of Lieutenant- Colonel Henderson, a reinforcement numl)ering some 450 men — this does not include the commands of J^ieutenant-Col- onel Green and Major Fry, both of whom reached the scene of action after the battle was closed. The committee do not think there was any intentional delay in the landing of the commands of Colonel Green and Major Fry. The former. Colonel Green, exhibited great anxiety to get into the fight, when he did land, and acted with great gallantry in the skir- mish be (lid bavc witli tbe enemy in the vicinity of the camps. The whole was under the command of Brigadier-General Wise who, upon 7 and 8 February was at Nag's Head, four miles distant from the island, confined to a sick bed and entirely disabled from ])articipating in the action in person. The im- mediate command, therefore, devolved upon Colonel H. M. Shaw, the senior officer present. On 0 February it Avas discovered that the enemy's fleet was in Pamlico Sound, sonth of Roanoke Island, and apparently intending to attack the forces upon the island. Colonel Shaw immediately communicated the fact to Brigadier-General Wise, and issued orders for the disposition of his troops pre- paratory to an engagement. The points at which it was supposed the enemy would attempt to land troo])s were Ash- by's and Pugh's Landings. Ashby's is situated on the west side of the island about two miles south of Fort Bartow, and Pugh's on the same side about two miles south of Ashby's. On the night of the 6th, or early on the morning of the 7th, a detachment of one piece of artillery was sent to Pugh's Landing and one with two pieces of artillery, was sent to Ashby's, and the remainder of the forces was stationed in the immediate vicinitv of Ashbv's. On the morninc; of the 60 North Carolina Tkoops, 1861-65. 7tli, the enemy's fleet passed by both of the landings and pro- ceeded towards Fort Bartow, and the detachment of infantry stationed at Piigh's immediately fell back to the vicinity of Ashby's Landing and joined the detachments there, all un- der the command of Colonel J. V. Jordan. In the sound between Roanoke Island and the main land, upon the Tyrrell side, Commodore Lynch with his squad- ron of seven vessels had taken position, and at 11 o'clock the enemy's fleet consisting of about thirty-nine gun-boats and schooners, advanced in ten divisions, the rear one having the schooners and transports in tow. The advance and attacking division again subdivided, one assailing the squadron and the other firing upon the fort, with 9-inch, 10-inch and 11- incli shell, spherical case, a few round shot and every variety of rifled projectiles. The fort replied with but four guns, v-liich were all that could be brought to bear, and after s+ril<:- ing the foremost vessels several times, the fleet fell back so Ps to mask one of the guns of the fort, leaving but three to reply to the fire of the whole fleet. The bombardment was continued throughout the day and the enemy retired at dark. The squadron under command of Commodore Lynch, sus- tained their jiosition most gallantly, retired only after ex- hausting all their ammunition, and having lost the steamer Curlew and the Forrest disabled. Fort Bartow sustained considerable damage from the fire of the day, but the injuries were jiartially re]>aired by the next morning, and the fort put in a state of defence. About 3 :80 o'clock on the evening of the 7th, the enemy sent off from their transports about twenty- five men in a launch, apparently to take soundings, who were fired u])on and retreated. Whereupon, two large steamers having in tow, each thirty boats filled with troops, approached the island under the protection of their gun-boats, at a point north of Ashby's Landing, know^n as Haymon's, and did ef- fect a landing. The point selected was out of the reach of the field pieces at Ashby's, and defended l)y a swamp from the advance of our infantry, and protected by the shot and shell thrown from their gun-boats. Our whole force there- upon withdrew from Ashby's and took position at the re- doubt or breastwork, and placed in battery the three field Loss OF Roanoke Island. 61 pieces with the necessary artillerymen, under the respective commands of Captain Schermerhorn, Lieutenants Kinney and Selden. Tavo companies of the Eighth and two of the Thirty-first were placed at the redoubt to support the artil- lery ; three companies of the Wise Legion deployed to the right and to the left as skirmishers — the remainder of the infantry in position 300 yards in the rear of the redoubt as a reserve. The enemy landed some 15,000 men with artillery, and at 7 o'clock a. m. of the 8th, opened fire upon the redoubt, which was replied to immediately with great spirit and the action soon became general and was continued without interrup- tion for more than five hours, when the enemy succeeded in deploying a large force on either side of our line, flanking each wing. The order was then given by Colonel Shaw to spike the guns in the battery and to retreat to the northern end of the island. The guns were spiked and the whole force fell back to the camps. During the engagement at the redoubt, the enemy's fleet attempted to advance up Croatan Sound, which brought on a desultory engagement between Fort Bartow and the fleet, which continued up to 12 :30 o'clock, when the coimnanding ofiicer was informed that the land defences had been forced and the position of the fort turned. He thereupon ordered the guns to be disabled and the ammunition destroyed, which was done, and the fort abandoned. The same thing was done at Forts Blanch ard and Huger, and the forces from all the forts were marched in good order to the camps. The enemy took possession of the redoubts and forts immediately, and proceeded in pursuit, with great caution, towards the north- ern end of the island, in force, deploying so as to surround our forces at the camps. Colonel Shaw arrived with his whole force at his camps in time to have saved his whole command, if transports had have been furnished, but none were there, and finding himself surrounded by a greatly supe- rior force upon the open island, with no field works to protect him, and having lost his only three field pieces at the redoubt, had either to make an idle display of courage in fighting the foe at such immense disadvantage, to the sacrifice of his com- <62 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. jnand, oi- to capitulate and surrender as prisoners of war. He wisely determined upon the latter alternative. The loss on our side in killed and wounded and missing, is .as follows: Killed, 23; wounded, .58; missing, 62. The loss of the Ft)rty-ninth and Fifty-ninth Virginia Volunteers is: Killed, 6; wounded, 28; missing, 11); that of the Eighth and Tliirty-tirst North Carolina and Second Xorth Caro- lina Battalion, is Ki kiHed, 30 wounded, 43 missing. Of the engineer department, Lieutenant Selden killed, who had patriotically volunteered his services in the line and was as- signed to the connnand of the (J-pounder which he handled with so much skill as to ]»roduee immense havoc in the en- emy's ranks, and to elicit the unbounded admiration of all who witnessed it. I'nhappily, however, that gallant officer received a rifle ball in the head and he fell without a groan. The committee are satisfied that Colonel Shaw held pos- session of that ])ost as long as he could have done without use- less sacrifice of human life ; that on the 7th and 8th the of- ficers and men in Fort Bartow displayed great coolness, cour- age and persevering efforts to s\istain their position and drive back the enemy's fleet. Tn the battle of 8 February, at the re- doubt, the officers and men exhibited a cool and deliberate <;ourage, worthy of veterans in the service, and sustained their positions under an uninterrupted and deadly fire for more than five hours, repulsing the enemy in three separate and distinct charges, and only withdrrnv from the deadly con- flict after exhausting their ammunition for their artillery, and being surrounded and flanked by more than ten times their number. Instead of the result being "deeply hmnili- ating" it was one of the most brilliant and gallant actions of the war ; and in the language of their absent commanding general, "both oflicers and men fought firmly, coolly, ef- ficiently and as long as humanity would allow." Burgess S. Gaither^ Chairman. Richmond, Va., May, 1862. THE FALL OF ROANOKE ISLAND. 5 FEBRUARY, 1662, By E. R. LILES, Lieutenant-Colonei, Thirty Fikst Regiment, North Carolina Troops About two weeks before the enemy made his ai)])earaiK'e, my eompany (B) ami the Hatteras Avengers (Company F), ■Captain Charles W. Knight, of ]\lartin County (both of the Thirty-first Regiment), were ordered to Ashley's Landing, r. distance of eiglit miles from oiir camp, and nearly two miles below our lowest battery, Fort Bartow. Two brass field pieces. 12 and 18-])ounders, were put in my charge, and I was ordered to defend the T^anding and, at crcry haz- ivrd, to save the artillery. An officer from the Eighth Ueginient Avas detailed to drill scpiads from ('aptain Ivnight's and my <^om})any on the cannon, but he only visited us twice, spend- ing each time about half an hour. All that our men really learned of artillery was taught them in an hour by Colonel Jordan and one or two short lessons by Lieutenant Kinney, of Wise's Legion, who came to the island about three days be- fore the battle. ] had no horses, and the mongrel ''bank Ironies" which Colonel Shaw ordered me to press into service were untractable and of little use. We felt that our posi- tion was an important and responsible one. This landing, wliere vessels drawing eight feet could land at any time, had been neglected to the last moment, and the ninety men, badly prepared as above shown, were placed to defend it as long as possible, with strict orders to carry away the artillery in case of a retreat being unavoidable. On Thursday morning, ^) February, at a very early hour, W. Riley Diggs, of Compa- ny B, being on the lookout, discovered two of the enemy's ves- sels coming up the Sound, some ten or twelve miles away. By aid of a glass, I soon made out four large steamers, and immediately dispatched a message to convey the news to <;amp. One by one the vessels, of all sorts and sizes, rounded 64 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. the point and come in view until the number reached sixty- four. They were drawn across the sound in a long line. One of our little gun-boats went down to take observations, but did not, of course, venture within shot. There they lay, forming a picture rare and beautiful, though probably not so fully appreciated by us as it might have been under different circumstances. At 8 o'clock on Friday morning, they began to move, and coming cautiously along, by 10 :30 o'clock were nearly abreast of us, when the "ball opened." The men un- der my command were ordered to keep concealed, so as not to draw the enemy's fire, but it seemed impossible for them to do so. Loolc ivc must, and in looking, the wuld grandeur and sublime novelty of the scene drew us unconsciously from our hiding places. The Yankee vessels lay from one to two and a half miles from us, and a few shells would have played havoc with us. But we received no attention, and we had nothing to do for several hours, but eagerly watch the con- flict. Fort Bartow replied most nobly to the thunders directed against her, and our little fleet did good service. From my position I could see the effect of nearly every shot. I saw many strike the vessels, and often found myself hur- rahing for the gallant Hill and the men at the fort. About 3 o'clock, p. m., Avhen three or four vessels had been disabled and hauled off", a small boat, containing some twelve or fifteen men, left one of the steamers and made for the shore at a point nearly half a mile above us, evidently with a vicAv of trying the soundings and the landing, which had been represented to us as utterly insufficient for any but very small boats. Colonel Jordan, who had arrived at our post some time before, ordered Lieutenant Lindsay and myself to take twenty men each, and proceed through an intervening swamp, and capture or kill the boat's crew. This marsh was almost impassable, but we got through at last, and were advancing cautiously, in sight of the Yankees, who had just landed, when two men, one attached to the Thirty-first Reg- iment, and the other unknown to me, rtished forward, hal- looing loudly, firing their guns at the enemy, and, of course, giving them the alarm. Lieutenant L's detachment and my own (all from Company B),were now together and within 100 The Fall of Roanoke Island. 65 yards or less of the enemy, and but for this piece of impru- dence, we Avould have easily captured them. As they turned to flee, we rushed through mud and water, firing as we went, but all were got into the boat, and the living pushed off, and were soon out of range. We killed four and wounded two. We immediately fell back under cover, expecting a shelling, which, hoAvever, still did not come. On the arrival of the small boat at the flag-ship, two very large steamers having some thirty small boats in tow, all packed with men, started for the landing above us. Knowing they must cut us off from the rest of our forces, it being impossible to get the ar- tillery through the marsh, and considering it folly for his- small force to attack the thousands of the enemy with uuis- ketry, Colonel Jordan ordered a retreat. Our heaviest gun was hauled off by two ponies and two old mules, the other we carried off by hand under a storm of shot and shell from ves- sels in the sound, none of which, however, did any damag;e. We retreated about one mile and a half to the small bat- tery, or redoubt, across the road, and placed one cannon, to- gether with a brass 6-pounder, in battery. It was near night, raining slowly, the men were weary and hungry. We bivouacked then for the night, having some refreshments sent us from camp. Early on the morning of the 8th, the advance guard of the enemy made its appearance, the Richmond Blues and McCul- longh Rangers were thrown out on either flank as skirmishers, and firing commenced. Several regiments of the enemy were now drawn up at three or four hundred yards distance upon which our artillery opened, and as they came nearer, our small arms. There were in the battery my company, num- bering forty-three ; Captain Knight's, about fifty (including detachments from each for the artillery) ; a detachment from the Eighth of say ten in charge of the 6-pounder, and about forty Rangers from Wise's Legion, Colonel ShaAv in com- mand, and Colonels Anderson, Jordan and Price being also present. Gallantly, nobly and gloriously did every man fight (except , who ran like a whipped dog). As far as the eye could reach the enemy stood in compact mass, and we mowed them down by hundreds. Often did they at- 5 66 North Carolina Troops, J 861-65. tempt to advance, but as often was death spread in their ranks, and they were repulsed. Like a hail shower their niinie balls fell around us while shell and shot hurtled over lis going wide from their mark, and placing our reserve force, portions of the Thirty-iirst and Eighth, half a mile in our rear, in more danger than ourselves. Xot a cheek blanched among us with fear, and as I watched most ])articularly my own gallant boys, not a trembling hand or faltering eye could I see. Nor was it different with the "Hatteras Avengers," (Com- pany F), who fought with the spirit and determination of l>rave men, under a brave leader, and a braver man than Cap- tain Knight no men ever fought under. His voice was heard at all times cheering his men, and his example, with that of his First Lieutenant, S. J . T^atham, inspired all with courage. After about two hours, our skirmishers being hard pressed by overwdielming numbers, were gradually falling back fighting most gallantly, when the lamented Wise fell. His men bore him off and I saw them no more. The enemy pushed regi- ment after regiment into the swamp on either side to flank us, Tout tliey were for a long time driven back. For over three liours the numbers above mentioned kept at bay at least 10,000 of the enemy ^ as acknowledged by themselves), and when at last ^\'e were flanked, as a Major of one of the regiments who did it, told me, they crossed that miry swamp on a bridge of dead men.'^ Only three men of ours were killed at the redoubt, one of them the brave Seldon, who fell near me, shot through the head. He, Captain Schermerhorn and Lieutenant Kin- ney (all of Wise's Legion), had command of our three guns. Captain f^chermerhorn, who has been fighting ever since he was old enough, and has five balls now in his body, had charge of Company B detachment and complimeiited them very highly, ].)articu]arly James Flowers, who, he said, though much exposed, fought with the firm courage and un- flinchiiig coolness of a veteran. A compliment from such a man is worth something. But all did well, and their country * General Burnside's Official Report shows his loss was 5 officers and 32 men killed ; 10 officers and 204 men wounded. 13 missing, total 264.— Ed. The Fall of Roanoke Island. 67 ought to be proud of them. Probably had others been in their places, the same might be said justly, but this is certain, the "O. K. Boys,'- of Anson County, and the "Hatteras Avengers," of Martin County, fought four hours and twenty minutes, and only retreated Avhen the whole Yankee force was close upon them, and the field officers had left our bat- tery. In ten minutes more the enemy would have sur- rounded us and cut us to pieces. Just before the retreat, re- inforcements arrived, swelling our numbers to probably four hundred men, who did but little good. The retreat was con- ducted in good order, no guns were thrown away, as has been gtated. and our whole force, except a few stragglers, pro- ceeded slowly up the road expecting every minute to hear the order to "Fall in" for another fight, than which no order could have been more welcome. But this came not, and they went sullenly and silently to our old encampment, where about an hour after our arrival, we saw the white flag borne by us to meet the enemy. The surrender of all the forces on the island was made and a strong Federal guard placed around us. The victorious army treated us with kindness, particularly General Foster and the officers of the Eighth and Fifty-first New York, the Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Twenty-first Massachusetts Regiments. We were de- prived of all small arms, upon a promise of having them re- turned whenever we were exchanged, which promise was only partially complied with on our release. We had the morti- fication of seeing many of the articles prepared for the use of our sick and wounded by the kind w^omen of Anson, seized by the rascally Zouaves, but as soon as complaint was made to General Reno, he promptly ordered any man trespassing thus to be placed in irons. OwY beautiful flag was gallantly borne away from the bat- tlefield by Corporal H. M. May, but to our great regret was taken by the enemy after the surrender, and by Dr. Cutler, Surgeon of the Twenty-first Massachusetts Regiment, was sent as a present to the Governor of that State, a brother-in- law of my informant. It was never disgraced, and bore many marks in the shape of bullet holes. We remained on the Island much crowded and closely guarded, until the 68 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Wednesday morning following, when we were removed (the officers only), to the steamer Syauldiyig in the sound, fiilly expecting to start immediately for New York. We were allowed to take our baggage and servants. The ten days following were the most miserable I ever passed. Confined to the damp, dark and dirty lower deck greatly crowded, fed on hard crackers, fat pork (which they said was cooked before leaving the North, but which seemed to us raw), and coffee tAvice a day, you may imagine our condition. On Sunday, the l(!th, General Burnside came aboard and announced that we could all be released on a parole of honor, of which the following is a copy : "Having been taken a prisoner of war by the forces of Gen- eral A. E. Burnside, on Roanoke Island, I do solemnly pledge my sacred word and honor, that if released, I will give no one any information I may have derived, or mention anything I may have heard or seen since my capture, that might injure the Government of the United States of Ameriea, or aid their enemies by word or act until I am regularly exchanged ac- cording to the usages of war; the information to me, of said exchange to be beyond the possibility of a doubt." This was about the first intiination we had of anything of the kind and upon the assurance that the same privilege should be offered to our men, we gladly accepted the proposi- tion. But it was not until the next Thursday that they moved with us, then steamers, bearing all the prisoners taken, started for Elizabeth City where, on Friday, we landed, and after a tedious process of verifying rolls, we Avere re- leased. The meeting here between officers and men w^as in some instances very affecting. You may be sure that we gladl}^ took up our line of march homeward, and bore the many hardships and privations of the journey with more cheerfulness than under other circumstances. At Ports- mouth we were furnished with a good meal. At Weldon, Colonel O. H. Dockery most kindly prepared for and enter- tained my company, on Tuesday morning, from which time until our arrival at Florence — thirty-six hours — we had noth- ing to eat. At the latter place a bountiful repast was spread for us, Mr. Gamble, the proprietor of the hotel, only The Fall of Roanoke Island. 69 charging us half price — to his credit be it spoken. We are all now safely at homewwith one exception, and impatient to hear of our exchange. Joseph E. Liles has not been seen or directly heard from since the fight, though we have the strongest reasons for believing that he was alive on the island, though sick when we left. He was quite unwell with the mumps on the day of the battle, though he fought most bravely, and was with us when Ave started to retreat. He was doubtless taken prisoner, and I fully hope and believe, for various reasons, that he will soon be returned to his home and friends. May this be so — for a nobler boy, or one more beloved, never pulled trigger on an enemy. I had several men wounded, though none seriously. Our whole loss, killed and wounded, is about forty — that of the enemy but little, if any, under two thousand killed, and I know not how many were wounded. This information was gained in vari- ous ways, as it was most studiously kept secret by most of the officers, but is reliable. Captain Knight's men and the others in the battery, fired thirty to forty rounds of buck and ball cartridges, and for a large portion of the time, the en- emy was just where we wanted them to make our shots tell, and every discharge of our artillery opened a perfect lane through the enemy's ranks. Wlien we saw them advancing the last time upon us, the order to "Fix bayonets" was given, and I never saw it obeyed more cheerfully on drill — though every man expected a hand-to-hand conflict. All those pretty stories about crying and breaking swords, are gammon. I could not make this communication shorter and do the l^orth Carolina companies engaged justice. E. R. Liles. LiLESVILLE, N. C. , 1 March, 1862. NoTK. — At the time of this battle E R. Liles was Captain Company B, and later Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment. His estimate of the ene- my's loss is very far above the mark (see Burnside's report above) as perhaps was natural at the time. — Ed. SHflRFSBURG (OR ANTIETAM). 17 SEFTEHBER, 1862. By WALTER CLARK, Lieutenant-Colonel Seventieth N. C. T, After the "seven days fight" aroimd Richmond in July, 1862, when McCUellan took refuge from utter destruction in his gun-boats it was resolved that we should return the unso- licited visit w^hich had been made us. A few weeks later, with blare of bugles and roll of drums, we set our faces northward. At Cedar Mountain we crushed the enemy, Chantilly saw our victorious columns and the field of Manassas a second time welcomed us to victory. When " August with its trailing vines Passed out the gates of Summer," we were in full march for the Potomac, which was crossed simultaneously at several points, the bands playing ''Mary- land, My Maryland." Walker's Division, to which I be- longed, with McLaws' and A. P. Hills' Divisions, recrossed the Potomac to surround Harper's Ferry, while the rest of the army, moving towards Hagerstown, was suddenly attacked at Boonsboro 14 September, and falling back the hostile lines again confronted each other about noon on 16 September, the Federals lining Antietam creek while the Confederates held the village of Sharpsburg, hence the double name of this fa- mous battle. For a similar reason the great battle known to the English-speaking people the world around as Waterloo, is called the battle of Mont St. Jean by the French and La Belle Alliance by Germans. The l)attle of Antietam (commonly known at the South as the battle of Sharpsburg), was one of the bloodiest of the whole Civil War. It was fought 17 September, 1862, be- tween the Federal army commanded by General George B. McClellan, and the Confederate army under General R. E. Lee. 72 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. The Federal army was composed of six Corps : First (Hooker's), Second (Sumner's), Fifth (Porter's), Sixth (Franklin's), A'^inth (Burnside's), Twelfth (Mansfield's), besides Pleasanton's Cavalry Division. On the Southern side were two Corps: Longstreet's and Jackson's, with Stuart's Cavalry. The morning reports for that day of the Federal army show 101,000 "effective;" but General McClellan, in his report of the battle, places his number of men in line at 87,000. General Lee, in his re- port simply ])uts his force at "less than 40,000." General Longstreet estimates them at 37,000, and General D. H. Hill at 31,000. The best estimate of numbers actually in line .vould be 87,000 Federals and 35,000 Confederates. Of the latter, only 27,000 were in hand when the battle opened. The arrival of the divisions of McLaws and A. P. Hill from Harper's Ferry during the battle, raised Lee's total to 35,000. Over a fourth of these were from North Carolina, which had thirty-two regiments and three batteries there. The battle was fought in a bend of the Potomac river, the town of Sharpsbuvg, Md., being the center of the Southern line of battle, wlinse right flank rested on the Antietam creek, just al:)Ove where it flows into the Potomac, and the left flank on the Potomac higher u}). General Lee had braved all rules of sti'ategy by dividing his army in the presence of an enemy treble his numbers. He had sent Jackson, with nearly half the army, to the south side of the Potomac to in- vest Llarper's Ferry, while with the other ]iart of the army he himself advanced on Hagerstown. General McClellan, who slowly and with caution was following Lee's movements, found at Frederick, ]\ld., a dispatch from Lee to General D. H. Hill, which had been dropped in the latter's encampment. This disclosed to him Lee's entire plan of campaign and the division of his army. With more than his usual promptness, McClellan threw himself (on 14 September), upon Turner's (Boonsl)oro) and (^ram])ton's Gaps. These were stubbornly lield till next day, when Lee fell back to Sharpsburg. For- tunately for Lee, Harper's Ferry surrendered with 12,000 prisoners early on the morning of the 15th, releasing the be- sieti'ina,' force. Of these. Walker's Division, with Jackson Sharpsburg (or Antietam), 73 himself, rejoined Lee north of the Potomac, at Sharpsburg, on the afternoon of the 16th. Me Laws and A. P. Hill joined him there during the battle on the 17th — McLaws at 9 a. m., and A. P. Hill at 3 p. m. — and each just in time to prevent SHARPSBURG AND VICINITY. the destruction of the army. With 87,000 men in line, as against Lee's 3."), 000, General McClellan should have cap- tured the (.'onfederate army, for lighting with the river at its back any ors o]iposed to him. He telegraphed to President Liiu-ohi (hiring the battle that Lee had 95,000 men. Had he known that in truth Lee had only 27,000 men when the battle opened, the history of the war and General McClellan's fortunes would have been essentially different. 74 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. During- the battle General McClellan telegraphed President Lincoln "one of the greatest, and probably the greatest bat- tle, in all history is now in progress." This much has been said to give a general idea of the "sit- uation" before and during the battle. I was Adjutant of the Thirty-fifth Xorth Carolina Regiment commanded by Colonel M. W. Eansom (afterwards Brigadier-General and United States Senator.) The brigade was commanded by his brother, General Robert Ransom, a West Pointer, and hence a personal acquaintance of most of the Federal lead- ers. The division was commanded by General John G. Wal- ker, another old army officer. We were at the taking of Har- per's Perry, where our division held Loudon Heights, and Ave were the first to recross the Potomac and join General Lee at Sharpsburg, on the afternoon of the ICth. I was then a mere boy, j ust 16a few days before, and have vivid recollections of the events of the day. About an hour before day, on tlie 17th, our division began its march for the position assigned us on the extreme right, where we were to oppose the Federals in any attempt to cross either the bridge (since known as Burnside's) or the ford over the Antietam beloM' it, near Shiveley's. Along our route we met men,, women and children coming out from Sharpsburg, and from the farm houses near by. "^rhey were carrying such of their household belongings as were portable ; many women were weeping. This, and the little children leaving their homes, made a moving picture in "the dawn's early light." On taking ])osition, we immediately tore down the fences in our front which might obstruct the line of fire. About 9 a. m., a pressing order came to move to the left ; this we did in quick time. As we Avere leaving our ground, I remember looking np the Antietam, the opposite bank of which was lined with Federal batteries. These were firing at the left Aving of our army to the support of Avhich we Avere moving. The Federal gunners could be seen Avith the utmost distinct- ness as they loaded and fired. Moving nortlnvards, Ave Avere passing in rear of our line of battle and met constant streams of the Avounded coming out. Among them I remember meet- ing Colonel W. L. DeRosset, of the Third North Carolina, Sharpsburg (or Antietam). 75 being brniii>ht out badly wounded, and many others well known in North Carolina. All this time there was the steady booming of the cannon, the whistling of shells, the pattering of fire-arms, and the occasional yell or cheer rising above the roar of battle as some advantage was gained by either side. Soon after passing the BATTLE-FIEI.D OF SIIAKPSKl RG. town tbe division was de])loyed in column of regiments. .Vround and just beyond the Dunkard church, in the center of the Confederate left, our line had been broken and was com- ])letely sv/e^^t away. A flood of Federals were pouring in; we were just in time — ten minutes', five minutes' delay, and our army would have ceased to exist. We were marching up behind our line of battle, with our right flank perpendicu- 76 North Carolina Troops, 186] -65. lar to it. As the first regiment got opposite to the break in our lines it made a wheel to the right and "went in." The next regiment, marching straight on, as soon as it cleared the left of the regiment ])receding it, likewise wheeled to the right and took its place in line, and so on in succession. That is, we were marching north, and thus w^ere successively thrown into line of battle facing east. As these regiments came successively into line they struck the Federal lines which were advancing ; the crash was deafening. The sound of infantry firing at short distance can be likened to nothing so much as the dropping of a shower of hail-stones on an enor- mous tin roof. My regiment wheeled to the right about 150 yards north (and west) of the Dunkard church. In the wheel we passed a large barn, which is still standing, and entered the "West Woods." Being a mounted officer, I had a full view ; our men soon drove the Federals back to the eastern edge of these woods, where the enemy halted to receive us. The West Woods had already l)een twice fought over that morning ; the dead and \\'ounded lay thicker than I ever seen on a battlefield since. On the eastern edge of these woods the lines of battle came close together and the shock was ter- rific ; here Captain Walter Bryson, of our regiment, was killed, along with many others in the brigade. All the mounted officers in the division instantly dismounted, turn- ing their horses loose to gallop to the rear. It being the first time I had been so suddenly thrown in contact with a line of battle, and not noticing, in the smoke and uproar, that the' others had dismounted, I thought it my duty to stick to my horse ; in another moment, when the smoke would have lifted (so the Federal line of l)attle, lying down fifty yards off, could have seen me) I should have been taken for a general officer and would have been swejit out of my saddle by a hun- dred l)ullets. A kind-hearted veteran close by peremptorily pulled me oft' my horse. At that instant a minie ball, whist- ling over the just emptied saddle, struck the back of my left hand which was still clinoing to the pommel, leaving a slight scar which I still carry as a memento. The Federal line soon fell back. We then charged in pursuit as far as the post and rail fence at the turnpike. It was Gorman's Brigade, Sharpsburg (or Antietam). 77 Sedgwick's Division, of Sumner's Corps our brigade was fighting. This was composed of troops from Massachusetts, New York and Minnesota, and from their returns they left 750 killed and wounded by our lire ; this was about 10 a. m. i\ terrific shelling by the enemy followed, which was kept up for many hours, with occasional brief intermissions, caused probably by the necessity of letting the pieces cool. The shelling was terrible, but owing to protection from the slope of the hill, and there being a limestone ledge somewhat shel- tering our line, the loss from the artillery was small. Tn the brief intermission, after the Federal infantry had fallen back and before the artillery opened, a cry for help was heard. Lieutenant (later Captain) Sanford G. Howie and myself going out in front of our line, found the Lieutenant- Colonel of a Massachusetts regiment — Francis Winthrop Pal- frey— l^'ing on the ground wounded, and brought him and others into our lines. With some reluctance he surrendered his very handsome sword and pistol and was sent to the rear. The sword bore an inscription that it had been presented to him by the town of Concord, Mass. He remarked at the time, he wished them preserved, and sure enough, after the war he wrote for them, and they were restored ; he was ex- changed and became subsequently General Palfrey. He has published a volume, "Antietam and Fredericksburg." There was another intermission in the shelling about 12 o'clock, when we were charged by the Second Massachusetts and Thirteenth iSIew Jersey of Gordon's Brigade, who ad- vanced as far as the post and rail fence at the Hagerstown turnpike, about 100 yards in our front, but were broken there and driven back, leaving many dead and wounded. There was another intermission about 2 o'clock probably. Word was then brought us that we were to advance. It was then that Stonewall Tackson came along our lines ; his appearance has been so often described that I will only say that I was reminded of what the Federal prisoners had said two days before at Har])er's Ferry, when he rode down among them from his post on Bolivar Heights : "My ! boys, he ain't much on looks, but if ire had had him, Ave Avouldn't have been in this fix." Stonewall remarked to Colonel Ransom, as he 78 North Carolina Troops. 18f)l-'65. ■did to the other Colonels along the line, that with Stuart's ■Cavalry and some infantry he was going around the Federal right and get in their rear, and added "when you hear the rattle of my small arms this whole line must advance." He Avished to ascertain the force ojjposed, and a man of our regi- ment named Hood was sent up a tall tree, which he climbed -carefully to avoid observation by the enemy; Stonewall called out to know how many Yankees he could see over the hill ^nd beyond the "East Woods," Hood replied, "Who-e-e! there are oceans of them. General." "Count their flags," rsaid Jackson sternly, who wished more definite information. This Hood proceeded to do until he had counted thirty-nine, when the General told him that would do and to come down. By reason of this and other information he got, the turning iriovcment was not attem])ted, and it was probably fortunate for us that it was not. During the same lull, our Brigadier-General (Robert Ran- som) received a flag of truce which had been sent to remove some wounded officers, and by it sent his love to General Hartsuff (if I remember aright), who had been his room- mate at West Point ; but Hartsuff, as it happened, had been wounded and had left the field. Soon after our regiment Avas moved laterally a short distance to the right, and we charged a piece of artillery which had been put in position near the Dunkard church ; we killed the men and horses, but did not bring off the artillery, as we were ourselves swept by artillery on our left posted in the "old corn-field." Just to the right of the Dunkard church was the "peach orchard" lying between the church and the town of Sharps- burg, where General D. H. Hill held our line for hours with a line of men four feet apart. A half mile in front of the orchard, early in the day, Anderson's Brigade had made the name of the "Bloody Lane" forever famous. Its position thrust out in front resembled that of the "Bloody Angle" at Spottsylvania later. It was overwhelmed by Richardson's Division, losing its Brigadier, Geo. B. Anderson, mortally wounded. Colonel Tew killed. Colonels Parker, Bennett and others wounded. Its loss was great, but the fame of its deeds that dav will abide with N^orth Carolina forevermore. Sharpsburg (or Antietam). 79 About -i p. 111., Burnside on our right (the Federal left) advanced, having crossed the bridge about 1 p. m., until which hour his two corps had been kept from crossing the bridge by Toombs' Brigade of 400 men. Tliough it crossed at 1 ]). 111., Burnside's Corps unaccountably did not advance till o {). m. Then advancing over the ground which had been abandoned by our division early that morning, utter disaster to our army was imminent. -lust then A. P. Tlill's Divis- ion arrived from Harper's Ferry, where it had been parol- ing ju'isoners. A delay of ten iiiinutes by Hill might have lost us the army; as it was, the division arrived just in time. The roll of musketry was continuous till nightfall and Burn- side was di'iven back to the Antietam. Here General L. O'B. Branch was kilh^d. About dark onr brigade was moved to the right a half mile and bivouacked for the night around Heel's house near a l)iii'ning barn. As we were moving by the right flank, we were seen by the Federal signal station on the high liills on the east bank of the Antietam. A shell sent by signal fell in the rear com])aiiy of the Forty-ninth Xoi'tli Carolina liegiment, just ahead of us, killing Lieutenant Greenlea Fleming and killing or wounding thirteen others. It rained all next day. We were moved back that morning to our old position of the Dunkard church; neither army advanced. That night our A\l!ole army quietly moved off and crossed the Potomac, the passage of the river being lighted up by torches held by men stationed in the river on horseback. The army came off safely without arousing the Federal army, and left not a cannon nor a wagon behind us. On the 19th Fitz John Porter's corps attempted to follow us across the river at Sliep- herdstown, and was driven back with disastrous loss. During the battle of the l7th, McClellan's headquarters were across the Antietam at the Fry house. There he had his large spy-glasses strapped to movable frames, and could take in the whole battlefield ; besides, from his signal station on the high hills, which border the Antietam on the east side, he could learn all the movements of our army. With this ad- vantage and his great preponderance of numbers, 87,000 to 101,000 as against our 35,000 to 40,000 (giving the margin to each allowed by the official reports), it is clear that he 80 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. should have captured Lee. The latter had comiuitted a grave military fault by dividing his army by a river and many miles of interval in the presence of an enemy greatly his su- perior in nund)ers. Besides, he ought not to have fought north of the Potomac. Lee was saved from the consequences of his boldness l)y the o]iposite quality of over-caution in Mc- Clellan ; the hitter erroneously estimated Lee's force at 9.5,000, when it was a little more than one-fourth of that number at the time the battle opened. Then, when the Fed- erals fought it was done in detail. At daybreak Hooker's Corps went in ; he was wounded, and his corps badly cut up and scattered. Then Mansfield with the Twelfth Corps, came on ; he was killed and his corps was driven out. Then Sumner's Corps was launched at us and came on in good style ; it broke our line, and was only driven back by fresh troops — Walker's Division taken from the right, as above stated, and by McLaws' Division, just arrived from Harper's Ferry. Sumner's Corps was driven back but fought well, as is shoAvn hy the fact that its loss, which was over 5,000, was more than double that of any other corps. When they went back Franklin's Corps came up, but had small op- portunity, as is shown by its loss of less than 500 in the whole battle. By 1 1 o'clock the battle on the left wing was practically over, except by artillery : on the other wing at 1 p. m., Burnside's Corps crossed the Antietam over the bridge, but his corps did not move forward till 3 p. m., at which in- stant A. P. Llill's Division, arriving from paroling prison- ers at Harper's Ferry, met and overthrew it. The other corps (Fitz John Porter's) was in reserve and did not fire a gun, except some detachments sent to other commands during the battle. With six corps the weight of McClellan's fight- ing at any moment was that of one corps only. Had he, with Xapoleonic vigor, dropped his four corps — full 60,000 men — simultaneously on our thin left wing of 15,000 men like a massive trip hammer, it must have shattered it. Had he moved his other two cor]")s of 30.000 at the same moment in rear of our right, the fight would have been over by 9 a. m., and Appomattox would have been antedated two years and a half. The star of the Confederacy would have set in night. Sharpsburg (or Antietam). 81 and Sharpsburg' miglit have Taken its phice in th.e history of onr race by the side of Hastings and Flodden. The loss of that army, with Lee, Jackson and the other Generals there, would have been fatal. We know what happened when the same glorions army, even with smaller numbers, disappeared at Appomattox. From this fate tlie leadership of our Gen- erals and the superb valor of our soldiers could not have saved us. had not McClellan singularly overrated our numbers. Bnt he should have known that if Lee and Jackson had really had 95,000 men they would not have waited for him to at- tack; thej would have taken possession of his army. Thirty-nine years after the event it is hard to realize the misap])rehension which then existed in the minds of others as well as General McClellan as to the size of Lee's army. As an example, read the following from the 28 (Serial ISTo.) Official Records Union and Gonfcd. Armies, 2G8, from the war Governor of Pennsylvania, Andrew G. C'urtin : ''HAKKisiuRa. Pa., 11 September, 18G2. "His Excellency the President: * * "You sliould order a strong guard placed upon the railway line from Washington to Harrisburg to-night, and send here not less than 80,000 disciplined forces, and order from ISTew York and States east all available forces to concentrate here at once. To this we will add all the militia forces possible, «nd I think that in a few^ days w^e can mus- ter 50,000 men. It is our only hope to save the j^orth and crush the rebel army. * * * The enemy will bring against us not less than 120,000, with large amount of ar- tillery. The time for decided action by the j^ational Gov- ernment has arrived. What may we expect ? "A. G. CUETIN.^' To this President Lincoln very sensibly replied, at p. 276, same volume : ''* * If I should start half of our forces to Harrisburg, the enemy will turn upon and beat the remaining half and then reach Harrisburg before the part going there, and beat it too when it comes. The best possible security for Penns^lva- 6 82 North Carolina Troops, 1 861-65. nia is putting the strongest force possible into tlie enemy's rear. "September, 12, 1862. A. LmcoLN."' The same day (12 September j, Governor Curtin tele- graphs the President that he has reliable information as to the rebel movements and intentions, which he details, and says: ''Their force in Maryland is about 190,000 men. They have in Virginia about 250,000 more, all of whom are being concentrated to menace Washington and keep the Union armies employed there while their forces in Maryland devastate and destroy Pennsylvania." In fact, as we now know from the Official Records, Lee, by reason of his losses at Second Manassas and from sickness and straggling, had only about 40,000 men in Maryland, and there were probably 10,000 more in Virginia, exclusive of the stragglers from his army, around Richmond, a total of 50,000 effective, while opposed to them was McClellan im- mediately in front with an army of 101,000 "effective," 12,000 more Federals (afterwards captured) were at Har- per's Ferry, 73,000 "effective, fit for duty" were in the intrenchments round Washington, 10,000 under General Wool at Baltimore — total, by morning reports, of 195,000 effective, besides the Federal and State troops under arms in Pennsylvania. Su.ch are the illusions and confusion which disturb even the clearest minds under such circumstances. Singularly enough, too, General McClellan gave as his reason for not putting in Fitz John Porter's Corps and fight- ing on the 18th, that it was the only force that stood intact between the Capital and possible disaster. Yet on that day 73,000 other soldiers were behind the ramparts around Washington. The publication of the Official Records has thrown a flood of light on the history of those times. Raleigh, N. C, 17 September, 1901 X/^i^Z^ BATTLE OF WHITE HALL, 13 DECEnBER. 1562. By colonel S. D. POOL, Tenth Regiment ( 1 Art. ) N. C. T. The winter camiDaigu of 18(32 was initiated early by the Federal commander. In the months of October and jSTovember feints were made along the Confederate lines from iSI^orth Carolina to the BlackAvater. These movements were instituted to divert forces from the Army of Northern Virginia to the apparent points of attack previous to the decisive assault on General Lee's position at Fredericksburg, and which, they expected, would work the overthrow of the Confederacy. Shortly be- fore that attack should take place, a subordinate, though real, attack was to be made on Goldsboro, ISTorth Carolina, by the advance of General Foster from ISTew^ Bern, which, wdiile weakening General J^ee by the division of his forces, would also, if successful, interrupt his communications, and further the general plan. Great activity was shoAvn in Suffolk, where General Peck had command. Large reinforcements were sent to that garrison in November. The Blackwater was the r\)nfederate line ; and the twenty miles between the river and Suffolk, covered with low brushwood, and of level surface, intersected by innumerable roads, constituted a neu- tral ground traversed by the foraging parties of both armies, and became the theatre of frequent skirmishes of cavalry. Colonel Teventhorpe, of the Eleventh North Carolina Regi- ment, in command of two North Carolina infantry regiments, Ferrebee's Cavalry (Fifty-ninth North Carolina) and a Pe- tersburg Battery (Captain Graham's), had charge of this line from September to the end of November. Towards the end of November an attack in force was made upon Franklin — the Confederate headquarters — and a flank attack at a fort on the Blackwater, on the left of, and seven miles from, Frank- lin. Marshall's Regiment (Fifty-second North Carolina) 84 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. was stationed to guard the ford. The enemy crossed the river at that point, and formed a line to cover the passage of their artillery. They were repulsed there and at Franklin. Col- onel Leventhorpe was reinforced by several additional regi- ments of infantry, and two Virginia batteries ; and some heavy guns were sent from Richmond and placed in position. The works about Franklin were enlarged and strengthened. General Pryor assumed the command on the Blackwater about 1 December. Soon after his arrival the General learned by his scouts that the enemy had left Suffolk in large force, and that Franklin was the supposed object of attack. Subsequent information was received that the enemy was marching into Gates County, iSTorth Carolina. The design of this movement was not understood ; but it was imagined, either that a large foraging party had been sent into Gates, or that the General was making a reconnoissance in person. With a view to determining this question, and diverting the enemy from his object, whatever it might be. General Pryoi* made a night advance towards Suffolk. At about 2 a. m., and whilst the troops were in bivouac, heavy cannonading was heard in the rear, and apparently at Franklin, Avhich was parti all}' uncovered. General Pryor withdrew towards his OM^n lines. The cannonade, it was afterwards discovered, originated with a party of cavalry from Suffolk, 500 strong, which had run a battery to the bank of the Blackwater to shell a Confederate regiment encamped on the low-lands on the opposite side. This party learned that General Pryor was in the field in force, and retreated precipitately on Suffolk, affording, with the withdrawal of the Confederates towards Franklin, the somewhat singular incident of the retreat of two parties, by contigiious roads, each urged by the ajiprehen- sion that their separate fastnesses had been attacked during their absence. On the following day it was known that the large Federal force, last traced to Gates County, had embarked on the Chowan, and that it was destined to aid General Foster in an expedition into N^orth Carolina. Immediately after this reinforcement reached him, General Foster marched frort jSTew Bern. He was encountered bv General N. G. Evans be- Battle of White Hall. 85 I ween New Bern and Kinston, and delayed for several days by the obstinate stand made by that officer at every point where it was possible with his limited numbers, to oppose, with any advantage, the overwhelming strength of the Fed- eral advance. Intelligence of this movement was sent to Gen- eral Pryor, who was .ordered to dispatch Leventhorpe's Regi- ment immediately to Goldsboro. As General Evans was in need of reinforcements General Robertson, commanding at Garysburg, was ordered to dismount Evans' (Sixty-third N^orth Carolina) and Ferebee's (Fifty-ninth North Carolina) Regiments of cavalry, and proceed to his assistance. At Golds- boro, Colonel Leventhorpe received instructions to report to General Evans, who, rumor stated, was contendino' success- fully with General Foster. The train conveying the Elev- enth ]S[orth Carolina, was met on its way by an up train which the President of the road was conveying out of dan- ger, and, then, for the first time, the true condition of affairs was known, and that General Evans, who had bravely dis- puted every inch of ground, had been attacked by irresisti- ble numbers, defeated, and driven from Kinston, which was then occupied by the enemy. General Evans had been well aware, from the first, that he coidd only delay the Federal columns. But he appreciated justly that every considera- tion should be subordinate to this object. This resistance gained time for General Gustavus W. Smith, and enabled the latter to procure those reinforcements, which placed it in his power to meet Foster successfully, and defeat the aim of his expedition. When the train had gone as far as its safety would war- rant, it was stopped, and the troops bivouacked by the road. General Robertson and Colonel Leventhorpe proceeded to- gether on the engine to seek General Evans, who was quar- tered at a house on the bank of a small creek a few miles dis- tant from Kinston, his late headquarters. General Evans explained his disaster to the two officers who visited him. His little band of about two thousand men had been crushed by the enemy, nimibering twenty-two thousand men, and having eighty pieces of artillery. When General Evans' force was broken it was partly dispersed, and the position of his 86 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. artillery was uncertain. General Evans had kept up the un- equal contest so long that his troops had barely time to reach Kinston by the bridge ere they were overtaken and scattered by Foster's forces. Evans' South Carolina Brigade could alone be mustered, and was picketing the banks of the small stream which he had chosen for a stand should Foster ad- vance from Kinston. General Evans was made aware that General Smith intended to reinforce him largely on the mor- row, and he expressed his resolution to send Leventhorpe's Kegiment forward in the morning to feel the enemy. But this determination was changed on the following day as it Avas thought probable that Foster might recross the river, march up the N euse on its southern bank to White Hall and, passing th" river on the bridge, interpose his force between General Evans and Goldsboro. General Kobertson was, therefore, ordered to march with Evans' (Sixty-third North Carolina) and Ferebee's (Fifty-ninth North Carolina) Reg- iments of dismounted cavalry, and Leventhorpe's (Eleventh North Carolina) and Jordan's (Thirty-first North Carolina) Begiments, prevent the enemy from crossing at White Hall and, in furtherance of that object, destroy the bridge there, if necessary. White Hall was, at that time, a small hamlet on Neuse river which was spanned by a substantial county bridge. The river, though much narrower at White Hall, is dec^p and navigable. On the northern side the river has a gentle slope to the stream, which, in 1862, was bor- dered by a swam]i in which there was a somewhat dense growth of tall timber. A quantity of this timber had Jjeen felled and cut into logs, which lay around the bank of the river, and through the swamp, affording admirable protec- tion for riflemen, of which good use was made on the follow- ing day. A gun-boat was in course of building, and stood, prop])ed on rollers, in the upper end of the swamp, and near the rivei- not far from the l)ridge. A bridge road ran through and about equally divided the swamp. There was perhaps a depth of rather less than a hundred yards of tind^ered swamp land on the left side of the bridge road, and between it and the river. The little hamlet of White Hall, built on the southern bank of the Neuse, consisted of two or three stores The Battle of White Hall. 87 and warehouses, and a straggling street with some neat dwell- ings and enclosures. The warehouses Avere on the bluff which is lofty on the southern side ; and some eminences fur- ther from the river, and commanding the much lower level of the northern shore, gave great advantage to the former as a military position. The Confederate troops reached the neighborhood of the bridge about sunset and stacked arms whilst the mounted officers rode over the bridge to the village. Some scouts were sent out immediately on the Kinston road. They returned at sunset reporting the enemy advancing, and his scouts quite near. The bluffs were crowded with piles of crude rosin, and barrels of spirits of tiirpentine. By Gen- eral lioliertson's orders these comlmstibles were arranged on the l)ridge and a party detailed tn fire them when the order should be given. As subsequent reports convinced General Kobertson that the whole force of the enemy was advancing on him, he considered that it would be impossible, with his small force to jtrevent his crossing should the bridge remain undestroyed. Tt was therefore fired after nightfall, as the en- emy came up and the burning fabric, thoroughly saturated with turpentine, fell into the Xeuse and floated down its waters a blazing wreck. This Avork was scarcely accom- plished when the enemy entered and occupied the village. A strong picket from the Eleventh ]^orth Carolina was posted in the swamp fronting White Hall. The Confederate troops bivouacked within short distance. The enemy was active during the night, and could be heard throwing up works, and preparing for coming operations. Some sharj) picket firing occurred during intervals, and an occasional shell disturbed the sleeping Confederates. About midnight the Federals Inirned the warehouses and some other buildings at White Hall. Witli what object this was done was uncertain, but, whether in order to avail themselves of the temporary light (if this conflagration in directing their missiles of death, or whether from a wanton spirit of cauI, the act proved highly disastr(ms to its perpetrators in the ensuing engagements, as it destroyed what would have been a safe shelter for skirmish- ers, and exposed the infantry, without cover, and on a high elevation, to the balls of the Confederate soldiers. In the 88 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. morning- (Jolonel Leveuthorpe relieved his two companies wliieli had been engaged (Captains Bird and Small), with two other companies of the Eleventh North Carolina, which v\ere placed nnder command of Captain M. D. Armfield, a noble old man, and a soldier of the purest type, who after- wards, as a Gettystmrg prisoner, and in confinement at John- son's Island, gave his life for the cause which he had espoused. The enemy's ])reparations being complete his guns began to open quite briskly upon the pickets in the swamp. Gen- eral Robertson formed his troops in line, and within easy sup])ort of the pickets should there be any intention exhib- ited, on the part of the enemy, to cross the river on pontoons. Some casualties occurred amongst the dismounted cavalry, and two men of Captain Bryce's company. Colonel Ferebee's Regiment, were killed by a shell. General Robertson ordered Jordan's Regiment into the swamp to relieve Leventhorpe's picket companies. This intention, however, was changed. Colonel Jordan was counter-ordered, and Colonel Leven- thorpe instructed to join his two picket companies, with his eight remaining companies, and to use his judgment as to the best mode of engaging the enemy, but, in any event, to resist the crossing of the Neuse river to the last ex- tremity. The Eleventh Regiment moved forward at the doul)lc-quick, tiled to the right through the timber on the river bank. It was halted, and fronted towards White Hall in rather extended order, to meet the large front shown by the enemy, as well as to lessen, by the extension of the files, the danger of loss by his artillery. In the meantime, al- though there Wi\s no vantage ground for artillery in the Con- federate position. General Robertson placed two small guns, his sole ordnance, and directed the Lieutenant (Nelson Mc- Clees) who commanded, to engage the enemy's batteries. Some seven hundred men, therefore, of the Eleventh Regiment and two small howitzers of this North Car- olina liattcry ( Company B, Third North Carolina Bat talion), formed the only fighting force opposed to thirty pieces in position, and Foster's whole command. The other Confederate troops, which were present, are nev- ertheless entitled to their full share of the credit Battle of White Hall. 89 of this engagement, as tliey were placed under circum- stances of peril highly tr^dng to their steadfastness, without that stimulus of action which renders most men insensible to danger. A lull in the firing enabled the officers and men of the illeventh to hear the order of their commanding officer, which was to keep their order, but avail themselves of such shelter as the ground afforded, and to commence independent firing. Tlie answer came in that wild cheer, which many have lieard and know as the Southern soldier's expression of ardor and determination. The enemy's guns were arranged on the heights at and around White Hall in a kind of semi- line so as, without actually enfilading the swamp, to expose those who held it to a direct and oblique fire. The infantry which engaged the Eleventh Itegiment was drawn up in line, on the high ground fronting the swamp. The thirty guns opened at once, and fired as fast as they could be loaded and fired, for four hours without intermission. The Federal in- fantry fired \)\ volleys and at the word of command. They were answered by the file-firing of the Confederate Kegiment and by the section of a battery which might be heard occa- sionally through rhc din of battle in its unparalleled strug- gle against odds. The position of the enemy's infantry, as well as that of his batteries, although commanding that of the Confederates, had this disadvantage that it was necessary to depress the aim. In fact the Southern riflemen "were too near their enemy, and his artillery and infantry overshot the mark. Had the thirty guns been more depressed, or had the Soutliern infantry been a hundred or even fifty yards further to the rear, it really seems impossible that any troops could liave endured such a fire. The enemy's infantiy fought well for four hours under a destructive fire. Their line, how- ever, was frequently broken, and as frequently reformed. Some regiments faltered and ^^•ithdrew in disorder, as their files were thinned by the Confederate rifles, but others sup- plied their ])lace. At length the Federal commander con- ceded a repulse, withdrew his guns, and then his infantry, and was seen moving in the distance, with a long ambulance train containing the wounded. Leventhorpe's Regiment, the m^'n's cartridges all spent, was relieved by Jordan's, 90 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. which engaged and drove away the skirmishers which General Foster had thrown out to cover his retreat. Such, on 6 December, ISG:^, was the engagement at White Hall between the Confederate and Federal forces. An examination of the iiekl next day resulted in the dis- covery of one hundred and twenty-six of the Federal dead, and nineteen horses left on the field. It is not probable that this was the sum of the killed, but only comprehended those whom it was inexpedient to remove under a galling fire. The exact object of General Foster in this engagement is doubtful. It seems nevertheless, as a jjontoon train accom- panied him that it was his design to cross the Neuse at White Hall, and advance from that point on Goldsboro. It is hardly to be supposed that, in order to overcome an unlooked for resistance only, ho should have sacrificed a day's time, and subjected himself to a loss of probably a thousand men in killed and wounded, with a vast expenditure of ammuni- tion. The writer deeply regrets that General Robertson's report of this engagement,* which resulted so honorably to North Carolina soldiers, fighting on their native soil, as well as the general orders of Major-General G. W. Smith and Major- General S. G. French, which were in his possession until lately, have been destroyed In' fire. The section of artillery gave excellent aid in this fight. One of the two small guns was dismounted early in the fight, and the giinners killed ; but despite this discouragement the remaining howitzer was fought to the last against the thirty opposing guns of large calibre, and made havoc amongst the enemy, particularly his horses, which were found lying thick around those batteries which received the special attention of this gallant subaltern. The Confederate loss was slight in the engagement at *The report of General B H. Robertson will be found in 26 {Serial Number) Off. Rec. Union & Coitfed. Armies 121. General Smith's at p. 109. General Evans' at p 112, and the Federal General Foster's at p. 54, all in same volume They cover the entire operations from Kinston to Goldsboro and contain interesting information upon an important cam- paign on our soil. The casualties on each side are given. Q. S. 92 killed, 487 wounded, 12 missing. C. S. 71 killed, 2(38 wounded, 400 missing, though the Federal reports state they paroled 496.— Ed. Battle of White Hall. 91 White Hall (10 killed and 42 wounded), including few men killed and wounded in the force present, but not actually engaged. Of those engaged the writer believes that two men were killed in the command of the Lieutenant of artillery when his gun was dismounted, and that the casualties in the Eleventh A'orth Carolina were seven men killed and forty wounded. The total number of Confederate soldiers pres- ent was fifteen hundred, Stephen D. Pool. Ealeigh, N. C, 16 December, 1874. rinnw nflRCH at chancel- LORSVILLE. 2 AND 3 MAT, 1863. By brigadier-general JAMES H. LANE. On the morning of 1 May, 1863, my Brigade moved from its position, near Hamilton's Crossing, in the direction of Chancellorsville. That night we formed line of battle with skirmishers thrown forward on the right of the road, about a mile and a half from Chancellorsville. Next morning be- tween 8 and 9, I think, after the artillery duel on the road to our right, where one of our caissons was blown up and the Eighteenth North Carolina suifered a slight loss, we were ordered to the left on that memorable flank movement. General Jackson's front line was composed of Rodes' Di- vision, his second of Colston's and his third of A. P. Hill's, with the exception of McGowan's Brigade and mine. Our two brigades moved by the flank along the plank road immedi- ately in rear of our artillery — mine being in front. We crossed the plank road where Generals Lee and Jack- son were sitting on their horses, and took the road to Wel- ford's Furnace, on a part of which we were in full view of the enemy who shelled us vigorously. From Welford's Fur- nace we took a circuitous route across fields and along roads until we struck the road on the enemy's right flank, where Rodes and Colston were forming their lines of battle. This was between 5 and 6 in the afternoon of the same day. Mc- Gowan's Brigade and mine moved down the road, mine being in front and close behind the artillery. After the enemy had been swept back to Chancellorsville, and we had reached their last breastworks, the artillery halted, as did my com- mand. This was a little before dark. We remained standing in the road for some time. Gen- eral A. P. Hill then ordered me to form across the road — two regiments to the right, two to the left, and one thrown forward as a strong line of skirmishers — for the purpose of 94 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. making a niglit attack ; but soon after the order was given our artillery opened and the enemy's replied. I at once or- dered my men to lie down, as I was unwilling to attempt to manoeuver them in the dark, and in such a woods, under such a deadl}' fire. Colonel William H. Palmer gallantly crossed the road to know why I did not move my command. I re- quested him to tell General Hill that if he wished me to do so successfully he must order his artillery to cease firing. The order was given and the firing ended on both sides. I now formed my brigade as I had been ordered, putting the Seventh and Thirty-seventh on the right of the road, and the Eighteenth and Twenty-eighth on the left, the right of the Eighteenth resting on the road, while the Thir- ty-third under Colonel Avery, was thrown forward as skir- mishers. On account of the artillery fire the line was not formed till about 9 o'clock. The woods in front of our right consisted of large oaks with but little undergrowth ; in rear of our right there was a pine thicket, and to the left of the road there was a dense growth of scrubby oaks, through which it was very difficult for troops to move. Our skirmish line oc- cupied the crest of the hill, separated, on the right of the road, from the Chancellorsville hill by a deep valley. I cautioned all of my field officers to watch closely the front, as we were then occupying the front line and were expected to make a night attack. After forming my line I rode from my right to the road to ask General A. P. Hill if we must advance or wait for further orders, and on reaching the plank road I met General Jackson alone, I think, and he at once wished to know for whom I was looking. It was too dark to recogiiize any one, and when I was calling and asking for General A. P. Hill, General Jackson recognized me, as I have always thought, from my voice, I having been a cadet under him at the Virginia Military Institute. I told him, and to save further delay, I asked for orders. In an earnest tone and with a pushing gesture of his right hand in the direc- tion of the enemy, he replied, ''Push right ahead. Lane," and then rode forward. On reaching the right of my command to put it in motion I found that a Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, of the One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania Regi- Flank March at Chancellorsvilt.e. 95 ment, had conie up between our line of battle and the skir- mish line, with a white handkerchief tied to a stick, to learn, as he stated, whether we were friends or foes. This officer seemed surprised at my not allowing him to return after he had gratified his curiosity. T was still further delayed by officers of the Seventh liegiment reporting that during my ab- sence troops of seme kind had l:ieen talking on our right. Lieutenant Emack, with four men, was at once sent out to re- connoitre, and he soon returned with the One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania IJegiment, which had thrown down their arms and surrendered (jn being told that they were cut off. Just as Captain Young (our gallant boy-captain, about IS or 19 years old) was ordered with his company to take this regiment to the rear, the right of the skirmish line fired, as I afterwards learned from Colonel Avery, at a person who rode up from the direction of the enemy and called for "General Williams." This unknown person escaped, but the firing at him caused the whole skirmish line to open, and the enemy responded. Much heavier infantry firing was heard immediately afterwards in the direction of the plank road, fol- lowed by a reopening of the enemy's artillery. General Pen- der now rode up and advised me not to advance, as General Jackson had been wounded, and, he thought by my com- mand. I did not advance, but went to the plank road, where I learned that General Hill had also been wounded. I there, moreover, learned from Colonel John D. Barry, then Major of the Eighteenth jSTorth Carolina Regiment, that he knew nothing of Generals Jackson and Hill having gone to the front; that he could not tell friend from foe in such woods; that when the skirmish line fired there was heard the clatter- ing of approaching horsemen and the cry of cavalry, and that he not only ordered his men to fire, but that he pro- nounced the subsequent cry of friends to be a lie, and that his men continued to fire upon the approaching party. It was generally understood that night, by my command and others, that the Eighteenth Regiment not only wounded Generals Jackson and Hill, but killed some of their couriers and per- haps some of their staff officers, as some of them were miss- ing. Colonel Barry, who was one of my bravest and most ac- 96 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. complislied oiiicers, always thought that Generals Jackson and Hill were both wounded by his command. After the wounding of these two Generals, General Heth assumed command of Hill's Division, countermanded the order for an advance, and directed me to form the whole of my brigade on the right of the plank road. We were the only troops in line on the right of the road until after we had repulsed Sickles' formidable midnight attack, in which we captured a few prisoners and the colors of the Third Maine Regiment. McGowan's Brigade then prolonged our right, and we rested on our arms until the next morning. I did not see General Stuart that night, but understood he did not arrive to take command of Jackson's Corps until after my brigade had repulsed Sickles' midnight attack. On the morning of the 3d we were ordered to make a direct attack upon the enemy's works, which were composed of logs hastily thrown together the night previous, in our front and on the slope of the hill facing the Chancellorsville hill. We carried the works, but could not hold them on account of the concentrated, murderous artillery fire from the Chancellors- ville hill, under which the enemy threw forward fresh in- fantry. The brigade that was to have supported us did not come to our assistance, and before General Ramseur (then a Brigadier), could get up with his ISTorth Carolinians, we w^ere driven back with a loss of over nine hundred out of about twenty-seven hundred carried into action. Of the thirteen field officers of my command that participated in this charge, only one — Barry- — was left for duty. General Ramseur would go forward, though I advised him against it. His command reached the same works, but had to retire with a similar terrible loss. The enemy was finally driven from the Chancellorsville House by the Confederates carrying the salient to our right, where General Stuart, in command of Jackson's Corps, elic- ited loud shouts of admiration from the infantry as he in per- son gallantly rushed them over the Avorks upon Hooker's re- treating columns. James H. Lane. Auburn, Ala., 2 May, 1901. THE WOUNDING OF JACKSON. 2 MAT, 1563. By spier WHfTAKEIJ, Adjutant Thirty-third Regiment N. C. T. Early on the inorninc; oi2May, 1863, Gen. Jackson marched by the Furnace and Brock roads and reached the okl turnpike aliont three miles in the rear of Chaneellorsville, at 4 ]x m. As the different divisions arrived they were formed at right angles to the road, liodes' in front, Trimble's under Colston in the second, and A. P. Hill, marching down the turnpike in column of fours in the third line, with the Thirty-third North Carolina, of Lane's Brigade, at the head of the column. At (J ]). m. tlie advance ^\'as ordered. The enemy were taken by surprise and fled after a brief resistance. Kodes' men ])ushed forward witli great vigor and entliusiasm, followed closely by the second and third lines. Position after posi- tion was carried, the guns caj->t.ured, and every effort of the enemy to rally defeated by the impetuous rush of our troops. In the ardor of pursuit through the thick and tangled woods^ the first and second lines at last became ndngled, and moved on together as one. The flight and ])ursuit continued until our advance was arrested by the abatis in front of the line of works near the central position at Chaneellorsville. Tt was now dark, and General Jackson ordered the third line, un- der General A. P. Hill, to advance to the front and relieve the troops of Tiodes and Colston, who were completely Wended and in such disorder from their rapid advance through intri- cate woods and over broken ground, that it was necessary to reform them. Lane's Brigade was formed across the road, the Eighteenth and Twenty-eighth on the left, the Seventh and Thirty-seventh on the right, and the Thirty-third in skir- mish line in front of the entire Brigade. Colonel Avery being at the center of his line, at the road. It was so dark and the woods so thick that the men could not be properly located or 7 98 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. deployed by a mere word of command, and I was sent by the Colonel to the left to see that this w^as done. When I had at- tended to this, I returned to Colonel Avery and informed him that the line was ready to move forward, when he told me that Generals Jackson and Hill with their staffs, had just gone forward in front of our line reconnoitering and that we must wait until their return. Soon we heard firing in front ; the Generals and their staffs came galloping back and across our line bearing to the right of the road to escape the artillery fire. We, of course, permitted them to pass us, but the Eighteenth Tiegiment in our rear shouted, "Yankee cavalry I" and under orders from their officers, fired on them. As the bullets were coming from the front and the rear at the same time, our line protected themselves by lying down. We soon learned that Jackson had been terribly wounded by our own men and taken to the rear. There was no further ad- vance that night and the battle for that day had about ended. Thus was the greatest of our Generals killed by his own men while in the midst of a glorious victory and on the point of capturing an army three times as large as the one which was commanded in part by himself. Spiee Whitaker. Raleigh, N. C, 2 May, 1901. ANOTHER ACCOUNT. By ALFRED H. H. TOLAR, Captain Company K, Eighteenth Regiment North Carolina Troops. As an eye witness to the affair I desire to make some state- ment of facts as they have impressed themselves on my mind and to call as witnesses for concurrence the gallant Major T. J. Wooten, of the Eighteenth iSTorth Carolina Troops, the chivalrous Captains V. V. Richardson and Thomas L. Lewis, of the Eighteenth ISTorth Carolina Troops, and other officers The Wounding of Jackson. 99 of that regiment avIio Avere in line at the time this sad affair was enacted. Under the circumstances it would have been utterly impos- sible for any one to know who fired the fatal bullet or bullets. That the ^rounds were from the firing line of the Eighteenth JSTorth Carolina troops, officers and men of that regiment will testify with regret. If my memory serves me true, the Eigh- teenth regiment was the only regiment on the left of the Turn- pike, the remainder of the brigade (Lane's) being on the right of the road as we faced the enemy at Chancellorsville. About dark, General Jackson and staff, accompanied by General A. P, Hill and staff, rode down the Turnpike in advance of our line of battle, and, coining closer to the enemy's line than they expected, were fired on from a regiment of infantry ; and then some batteries of artillery turned loose with a heavy firing, sending shot and shell down the pike. The General and staff left the road, and the two Generals (Jackson and Hill), with staffs and couriers, came down on the Eighteenth at a rapid gait. The night was calm and the tramp of thirty horsemen advancing through a heavy forest at a rapid gait, seemed to the average infantryman like a brigade of cavalry. Noting the approach of horsemen from the front, and having been advised that the enemy was in front, with no line of pickets intervening to give the alarm, the brave Colonel Purdie gave the order "Fix bayonets ; load ; prepare for action !" as fast as the command could be given. When the supposed enemy was within 100 yards, perhaps, of our line, the Colonel gave the command, "Commence firing," and from that moment until notified by Major Holland (or Harris) of General Jackson's staff, that we were firing on our own men, the firing was kept up by the entire regiment with great rapidity. The horse of Major Harris (or Holland) was knocked down with a blow from the butt of a gun in the hands of Arthur S. Smith, Com- pany K, Eighteenth North Carolina Troops, and at that moment we were notified by the Major of the sad mistake that had been luade. It was during this continuous firing that General Jackson received his wounds, and if any other troops except the Eigh- teenth fired a shot I did not hear of it. The soldier on the 100 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. firing line knows how impossible it would be for any one to know who fired the fatal shot, and the man who would at- tempt to set 11]) such a claim would certainly presume on the intelligence of the average Confederate soldier. Alf. H. H. Tolae. Damon, Tex., 2 May, 1901. Note. — Thus fell in the glory of his prime the greatest soldier the war' produced, wlien the war was only half through. What heights he might have reached if he had lived, we know not for he was constantly growing. It is a singular reflection that notwithstanding the countless tons of bullets, cannon balls and shell fired during those four eventful years two niinie balls in all human probability, decided the result as it was. The bullet that slew Albert Sidney Johnston when in another hour he would have captured the Western Army witli Grant and Sherman at its head and that other bullet which prostrated " Stonewall" .Jackson when on the eve of capturing Hooker's array destroyed our hopes of success. There were other occasions when mismanageinent intervened, among them the failure to push our success. on the second day at Gettysburg, and Whiting's failure to capture Butler when "bottled up" at Bermuda Hundreds, but the deaths of Jackson and .Johnston were fatalities. The splendid courage of our soldiery and the patriotism of our people would have conquered success, but, as Napier said of Napoleon, "Fortune, that name for the unknown comhinations of an infinite power, was wanting to us and without her aid, the designs of man are as bubbles upon a troubled ocean."— Ed. i^^^llC LIBRARY., ^« > C on-fed &ra/te Lines ffUUtUMUUtgiggtigi FIELD OF LOXGS Gettysljurg, T'tdeyTcil Lines EET'S ASSAULT. Y 3, 1863. ■ NEW YORK ■uDL.iC LIBRARY ASTOR, LENOX A«0 TILOtN FOUNOATlONa. LONGSTREET'S flSSflULT AT GETTYSBURG. 3 JULY. 1863. By major W. M. ROBBINS. It is not singular that students of history ' shoiild feel a deep interest in the stoiT of Gettysburg and especially of the final assault made by the Confederates on the third day of the battle, the result of'whieh foreshadowed the issue of the war between the States and the fate of the Southern Confederacy. So much has already been written concerning it that only ur- gent solicitations, from a source which I cannot disregard, have moved me to make this brief contribution to the story. The number of Confederates engaged in the assault was about 1 4,000, composing nine brigades, Kemper's, Garaett's, and Armistead's of Pickett's Division ; Archer's, Pettigi'ew's (under command of Colonel J. K. Marshall), Davis' and Brockenborough's of Heth's Division, commanded by General Pettigrew ; and Scales' and Lane's of Pender's Division, com- manded by General Trimble. They formed two lines of bat- tle, the front line composed of Kemper's, Garnett's, Archer's, ^^E —This valuable article was written by my request for this work bv Hon W M R:.bbins who since 1894 has been one of the "Gettysburg National Park Conunissioners" and therefore possessed of tl^^ J" ^st 'nf^r- Son from the thousands of participants, coming from both armies ^ih.vei^^sitTd the grounds. He himself was in the battle, though not i"^ t'J« chaif ' nrwS o^^^^ day Major Fourth Alabama Regiment on onr ri^ht \fter the war. Maj. Robbins returned to North Carolina^ Ins ^^HvHtate and served with high distinction in the State Senate and the within qvard« of that wall. This settles that the men from this State nies this sketch and corroborates Maj. Robbins.-i.D. 102 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. Pettigrew's (under Marshall), Davis' and Brockenbrough's Brigades in the order named from right to left; and the sec- ond or supporting line composed of Armistead's, Scales' and Lane's Brigades. In the front line were thirteen Virginia Eegiments and one battalion in Kemper's, Garnett's and Brockenborough's Brigades ; five ISTorth Carolina Regiments, four of them in Pettigrew's Brigade (under Marshall), and one of them in Davis' Brigade ; three Mississippi Regiments in Davis' Brigade; three Tennessee and one Alabama Regi- ment and Battalion in Archer's Brigade, making twenty-five regiments and two battalions in this line. In the second line were five Virginia Regiments in Armistead's Brigade and ten North Carolina regiments in Scales' and Lane's Brigades, making fifteen regiments in this line. The ridge on wliich the Confederates formed their lines for the assault is called Seminary Ridge and is 1,400 yards west- ward from Cemetery Ridge, which was occupied by the Union army. These ridges are parallel with each other, the last named being somewhat the higher of the two, and between them are cultivated fields with many fences running hithei' and thither about them. Tbe Emmitsburg Road also passes obliquely in front of the Union line, enclosed on both sides by post and rail fences which are almost immovable and consti- tute a formidable obstacle to the orderly advance of a charg' ing line of battle. Codori's house and barn just east of that road also dis- turbed the compactness and continuity of Kemper's line as he advanced. The Union position on Cemetery Ridge was exceedingly strong and formidable. From the elevated plateau, called Cemeterv Hill, whei'e the National Cemeterv is, the ridffe extends southward towards Round Top, a distance of more than two miles, and overlooks and dominates every foot of the ground over which the Confederates charged. Along its crest from Cemetery Hill to Round Top was a line of Union batteries which General Himt, Chief of Artillery, shrewdly divining what the great cannonade meant, had kept in reserve until the crucial moment and hurried into position w^hen he saw the Confederate infantry begin its advance. Longstreet's Assault at Gettysburg. 103 All along the front where the assault was made there was also a double line of Union infantry ready to resist the as- sault, and the front line of that infantry was posted behind a stone fence which served as an almost impregnable barrier against assailants. Strong details of skirmishers were out along the fences of the Emmitsburg road and also along the fence running ^\esterly from that road past the Confederate left flank. Another point in relation to the Union defences should be stated, which is, that the stone fence above men- tioned as a strong defense for tlie Union forces does not run in an unbroken straight line north and south, but after run- ning from its southern terminus due north for several hun- dred yards, it turns due east at what is called "The Angle,'" and runs SO yards in that direction, and then turns again and runs due north for several hundred yards to ilie Bryan barn. Its length from north to "^outh almost exactly equalcl the length of the Confederate front line when it reached there. The important influence of its angular course upon the isoue of the Confederate assault will be shoAvn later on. The cannonade preceding the advance of the Confederate infantry opened about 1 o'clock, p. m., and continued nearly two hours. It was one of the greatest cannonades of modern times, but it nevertheless failed to accomplish the results ex- pected. Artillery will do to batter down fortifications, shell towns, sink ships and cut in pieces with grape and canister ad- vancing lines of infantry ; but ever>' old soldier knows that ordinarily it is much less to be dreaded than the "blue whist- lers" from the musketry. So it w%as at Gettysburg. A num- ber of Union gun carriages were ruined, caissons blown up, and now and then a soldier hugging the ground was struck and torn to pieces ; but there was no important weakening of the Union infantry lines, and the manner in which General Hunt saved his artillery for the crisis he foresaw has already been mentioned. As soon as the cannonade ceased the Confederate infantry moved forward to the assault. Only the three brigades of Pickett were fresh troops. All the other brigades had par- ticipated in the fighting of the previous days, and suffered heavy losses. Both their division commanders, Heth and 104 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. Pender, had been wounded, the latter mortally. Three bri- gades were without their Brigadiers, Scales having been wounded, Archer taken prisoner, and Pettigrew placed in command of Heth's Division. Many Colonels and other field officers and a long list of company officers had been killed and wounded, and the losses from the ranks had been heavy- in most of the regiments and extraordinary in some, the Twenty- sixth jSTorth Carolina, for instance, having lost over 71 per cent, of its numbers in killed and wounded in the first day's fight. As the lines moved out in that fatal, final charge, a number of the men wore bloody bandages on account of wounds received in the first day's fight, and it is said that General Lee obsei*ved and spoke of this with much feeling and moistened eyes. ISTo wonder his soldiers loved their noble commander and were ready to march under his orders even into the cannon's mouth. ]\rany Union officers and soldiers who were there and saw it have stood with me on Cemetery Pidge and spoken with admiration of the magnificent spectacle presented by the lines of Confederate veterans as they advanced deliberately, with muskets at right shoulder shift, across those broad fields. A storm of shells, grape and canister, poured upon them and cut wide gaps in their ranks, but these were promptly closed up without retarding the advance. The duty of indicating the general direction to be followed by the whole force Avas very properly assigned to Pickett's fresh division. The oth- ers were ordered to dress to the right and keep in touch with his left and he was ordered to move directly towards a small unbrella-shaped copse of chestnut oaks inside the Union lines a short distance south of ''The Angle." That copse of trees is still there, looking exactly as it did thirty-eight years ago. Tt is enclosed by an iron fence to keep people from carrying off every splinter of it as a ''relic." A large tablet has been erected near by containing the inscription, "The High Water Mark of the Rehellion." T often remind our Union friends good humoredly that the waves dashed up pretty high several times afterwards, at Chickamauga, Wilderness, Spoftsylva- nia, Cold Plarbor and elsewhere. They take the reminder Longstreet's Assault at Gettysburg. 105 pleasantly and, to tell the truth, are ahnost as proud of our Southern soldiery as we are. When Pickett's line had advanced to the summit of the ridge which had sheltered it. during the great cannonade, he perceived that his center was not moving directly towards the above-mentioned copse of trees as intended, but tO' the right and south of it. Thereupon he very properly ordered his bri- gades to incline considerably to the left, which they did and they continued on the same course until they reached the en- emy's lines. The order to the other brigades from the first was "Guide right, and keep in touch with Pickett's left;" and therefore, on starting they inclined somewhat tO' their right SO' as to join his left. His change of direction being unfore- seen by them and occurring whilst the whole line was in motion, the result, for which none of them can be censured, v/as that very considerable crowding and intermingling of the ranks on Pickett's left and Pettigrew's right took place by the time they reached the Union breastworks, the effect of which will be noticed hereafter. One of the great obstacles encountered by the Confederates in their advance was the Emmitsburg road with its post and rail fences on each side and, as heretofore mentioned, running obliqueh' to the lines of battle. Where Pickett's right crcssed these fences is about 600 yards from the ITnion line and where Pettigrew's left crossed tliem is about 1 50 yards from that line. The reader can imagine how difficult it was to preserve an orderly alignment of the men crossing these fences in succession from the right flank to the left under a fierce storm of grape and canister and, on the left, of mus- ketry also, for the Emmitsburg road there is in easy musket range of the Union lines. Another important fact which should not be omitted is that the Eighth Ohio Regiment and a large detail from Wi Hard's ISTew York Brigade, having been thrown out from the Union right as skiriuishers beyond the Emmitsburg road, did not withdraw to their main battle line as the Confederates were advancing, but formed in com- pact ranks under cover of the fence west of the Emmitsburg road, perpendicular to the Confederate line and near its left flank. From this shelter they poured in a severe and unex- lOG North Cakolina Troops, 1861-'65. peeted cnlilaclc fire on that flank of Pettigrow's Division, con- sisting- of Brookenborough's and Davis' Brigades. This oc- curred wliilo the Confederate brigades further to the right were crossing the Emniitsburg road, but it was followed up by tlio«e llankers with energy and not without considerable effect on Pettigrew's left, even to tlie close of the battle. As soon as the Confederate front line had crossed the EiMmitsburg road it raised tJie well-kno^^■n battle yell and pressed forward against the Union breastworks. Kemper and Garnett were met. by the fire of Plarrow's and Hall's and part of Webb's Brigades in front, and Kemper also received an oblique fire on his right froui two regiments of Stannard's Vermont Brigade which had been moved out somewhat in ad- vance of the main line. This caused Kemper's men to in- cline still more to their left, whereupon Stannard wheeled those two regiments to his right aiul struck Kemper's right fi:ink, inflicting severe losses in killed aud wounded and cap- turiug over :200 men. General Kemper also fell desperately wounded about this time 75 yards froui the Union Avorks ; but his brigade, thougli nuicli disorganized by its losses, especially of oflicers, pushed on until it reached the stone fence or wall behind which was the Union front line, just west of the copse of trees heretofore mentione«i as the giiide point for Pickett's Division. Garnett's Brigade, though suffering fearful losses, also pushed on to the stone wall. General Garnett himself fall- ing dead from his saddle twenty-five yards west of it. Petti- grew and his division, with heavy losses and himself painfully wounded, had kept on a line with the brigades of Kemper and Garnett and reached the stone wall at the same time; but this stone wall, as has been previously stated, turns squarely eastward near the point reached by Garnett's left and Petti- grew's right, forming what is known as "The Angle," and after nmning 80 yards in that direction turns again and runsj northward to the Bryan bam near the left of the ContVlerate front line. Tt is not amiss to state that this last-mentioned section of the wall is much higher than the section ninning from the angle southward, the latter being about three feet high and the other five feet, coming up to one's chin on its western side. The wall is there still, presen-ed just as it was Longstkket's Assault at Gettysburg. 107 in 1863 for the inspection of visitors. Behind this wall and close to it from its last turn northward, was a double line of Union infantry composed of Webb's right regiment and Smyth's and Willard's Brigades. There were also two Union lines from the Angle southward, but only one of them was near the wall and the other was 80 yards to the east of it. As ah-eady intimated, Kemper's and Garnett's Brigades and Pettigi'ew's Division when they reached the Angle were greatly weakfiied and almost disorganized by their heavy losses of men and officers. Their ranks on Garnett's left and Pettigrew's right had also become much intermingled from the crowding together of their flanks during the advance, by reason of iheir different understanding, heretofore alluded to, as to how their march was to be guided. After crossing the Emmitsburg road, Archer's small brigade had been almost absorbed by the left of Garnett >ind the right of Pettigrew's North Carolina brigade. It was but a few minutes after the weakened front line reached the Angle when the brigades of Armistead, Scales and Lane rushed forward and mingled with it. And now we come to the last act of the great tragedy which only an in- spired pencil could worthily paint. Armistead sprang on the wnl] with iiis hat on the point of his sword, called to his men tf) follow, and leaping down on the other side, pushed forward towards Cnshing's battery. He was followed by two or three hundi-cd \'irginians, a number of Archer's Tennesseeans and Alabamians, and a few of Pettigrew's North Carolinians. Judge Josf'])h J. Davis, of blessed memory, was one of them ; go he told me years ago. Some Confederate flags were planted on the wall and a few beyond it within the Union lines, but only for a very short time. General Armistead soon fell mortally wounded just forty steps east of the wall. The spot is marked with a Memorial stone. A number of the men who followed him over the wall were killed, most of them were captured, but a few made good their escape. Among these was Captain F. S. Harris, of the Seventh Tennessee Regiment, Archer's Brigade, who has shown me the spot where he was knocked down but rose again and made off and, for a wonder, got clear away. Armistead sent his watch, 108 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. purse, and some keep-sakes to his old comrade, General Han- cock, to be forwarded to his family, and then passed "over the river to rest under the shade of the trees." And while Armistead and his heroic followers were over in the Angle, where were PettigTew's and Trimble's thinned but gallant l)attalions ? They were making a desperate ef- fort to stoi-ni the high stone wall eighty yards east of the Angle and were being moAved down like grain before the reaper by the douljle line of infantry behind that wall. A few men reached it, but finding it too high to leap over, could do nothing but surrender. Others made a near approach to it, but found their ranks so thinned that further effort was plainly useless. The larger proportion, both of officers and men, v\ere stretched upon the ground killed or disabled about half way between the Angle and the stone wall which -they were assailing. General Trimble, Colonel Marshall and Col- onel Fry were wounded and made prisoners. General Pet- tigrew had his horse killed under him. Brockenborough's Brigade, weak in numbers, and a few companies of the left of Davis' Brigade, forming the Confederate line north of the Bryan 1iarn, had been from the first vigorously assailed by fiankei's, as has been already mentioned, and when they were charging on the main Union line posted there on a high em- bankment, the One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Xew York Regiment was wheeled to its left and throA\n upon their left flank, inflicting heavy losses, and a terrific fire from the line of infantry in their front and a storm of grape and canis- ter from Woodruff's Battery soon cut them to pieces and ren- dered further efforts hopeless. By this time the entire line under Pickett, Pettigrew and Trimble, was over^vlielmed and repulsed. The defeated Confederates fell back shattered and disorganized across the fields over which they had advanced so gallantly and proudly and the famous assault was over. I have not mentioned Wilcox's Alabama, and Perrv's Flor- ida Brigades because they, in fact, and without any fault of theirs, really had no part in the assault. About twenty minutes after Pickett's Division started, they were ordered to advance and support it on its right. But tlie dense cloud of smoke over the field concealed from them the left oblique Longstreet's Assault at Gettysburg. 109 course which Pickett had taken after passing them, and so they marched straight forward, which caused a wide, wedge- shaped gap between them and Pickett's right, into which Stannard threw one of his \'ermont regiments and captured the flag and about 100 men of the Eighth Fkirida. Colonel David Lang, who commanded the Florida Brigade, once visited Gettysburg and went Avith me over the ground; and he told me that when they reached the Emmitsburg road near the Rogers House, lie saw through a rift in the smoke that Pick- ett's and Pettigrew's forces were being overwlielmed, and he would have turned back at once, but he thought it safer for his brigade to go forward at a double-quick and thus reach the bushy swale on Plum Run and escape by going down that southward to the Trestle Place and thence westward, as this route was not so directly swept by the Union artillery ; and both his and Wilcox's Brigades did this, with the above-men- tioned loss to the Eighth Florida and considerable losses also to the other regiments of both brigades. A few more words will close this paper, and those words will be devoted to showing how unwise and undeserved it is for any of the magnificent heroes who took part in that final bloody struggle at Gettysburg ever to impugTi each other's chivalry on that occasion. I was not myself a participant in it; I was away over at Round Top with the Fourth Alabama, hammering aAvay at the Yankee infantry and cavalry and, strange as it may seem, we did not even know of that fatal ep- isode two miles north of us until about sunset, and coiild scarcely believe it then. I have re-affirnied the well-known and truthful account of how gallantly Pickett's men fought, what they did, and how far they went. They had not been in the battle on the pre- vious two days and were fresh and well organized with all their officers in their places. Their losses in that assault in killed, wounded and captured were a fraction over 63 per cent., which is mucli above the average losses of troops in bat- tle. I have also stated whither and how far the faithful veterans of Pettigrew and Trimble advanced, which was near the high stone wall before mentioned eighty yards farther east than 110 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. the Angle and to' the left and northward of the spot where the noble Armistead fell. Does any one doubt the accuracy of that statement'^ If so, I must suggest the undisputed fact that the best proof of where a line of soldiers went to is wliere they left their dead ; and A\'here that was in this case is established beyond question by multitudes of disin- terested witnesses. A great many officers and soldiers of the Union Army, who were in the battle here and went over the ground where that final struggle took place, very soon af- terwards, have talked with me about it and emphatically con- fimied the facts as stated above. For instance, (to name one of them), Colonel E. B. Cope, the Engineer of our Gettys- burg Park Commission, a gentleman of the highest character and a Union officer in the battle here, has often told me of how he was invited by one of Greneral Meade's staff officers in the evening of that third day, to go with him up on the ridge and (to quote the words of the officer who invited him), ''see such a sight as he had never before seen on a battlefield." The Colonel says he went and was deeply impressed by what he saw. The dead, he says, were very numerous in the Angle around the spot where Armistead fell and between that and the stone wall over which he and his men had charged south of the Angle; but they were much more thickly strewn on the ground in front of the high stone wall which Pettigrew's and Trimble's men had tried to storm and wliich runs northward to the Bryan barn. In 1895, Colonel John K. Connally, of Asheville, who was Colonel of tlie Fifty-fifth North Carolina Begiment of Davis' Brigade, Lieutenant T. J. Falls, of Cleveland County, and Sergeant J. A. AVhitley of Martin County, N. C, who had also served in that regiment and been in the battle here, made a visit to Gettysburg and went with me over the field. Colo- nel Connally had lost an arm in the first day's fight; and (by the way) Lieutenant-Colonel M. T. Smith had been killed and Major A. H. Belo had been wounded on that day, so that the regiment on the third day was under command of a Cap- tain. Lieutenant Falls and Sergeant Whitley showed me the ground over which they had charged and the point they reached, which point, as noted on our maps and in my journal, Longstreet's Assault at Gettysburg. Ill is twenty steps south of tlie Bryan bam and just nine yards west of the stone wall which Pettigrew and Trimble tried to storm. Whilst we were driving stakes to mark the exact spots reached by them and also where Captain Satterfield, of Person County, had fallen dead near by them, several officers and men of the Thirt}--ninth Xew York Regiment of Wil- lard's Brigade, who were on a visit to the battlefield, came up to the stone wall near us and said that while, of course, they could not identify the men, they could swear that a thin line of "rebels" did reach the very spot where v/e were driving those stakes, and that it extended all along in front of the wall and about the same distance from it all the way to the Angle; which w^as the whole front of Pettigrew's and Trimble's column. By reason of the death or disability of their generals and other officers, very imperfect reports have come down to us as to the numbers of men in the six brigades under Pettigrew and Trimble in that final assault and of the losses they suf- fered ; and the reports we have do not discriminate between the losses of the first and third days. We have, however, some scant data from which one can in a measure divine how those battered battalions of the first day suffered also on the third. For instance, tlie T\venty-sixth ISTorth Carolina, of Pettigrew's own brigade, had entered the battle of the first day with 820 muskets, and lost in killed and wounded 584 men (71 per cent.), and also its Colonel, the gallant Bur- g%vyn. It went into the fight of the Third day with 236 men and had but 80 left, a loss of over 66 per cent. Its brigade (Pettigrew's own) lost its commander, Colonel Marshall, mortally wounded and captured, and came out commanded by Major John T. Jones, the only field officer left, and its reg- iments led by Lieutenants. Archer's Brigade lost five out of seven field officers, and its commander, Colonel Fry, was wounded and captured. All the field officers of Davis' Bri- gade were disabled, and the losses of Scales' and Lane's were as heavy as those of the other brigades. But why prolong this story, already much longer than I had intended ? As the old Quaker once remarked at the close of the meeting, ''A suf- 1 rj North C\vkoi.ina Tkoots. 18(>l-'l»o. tioioiu'v has Kvn said. That is my opinion. 1 feel that way." The simph\ hone^st truth is that Pickett's Virginians did as nobly as they and their friends have ever ehiinied, and the Xorth t^awlinians, TennesstH:'ans, Ahibamians and ^lissiissip- pians, muier Pettigrew ami Trimble, did fnlly as well. All old soldiers know that in the thiek of a great bat- tle men are tcx^ entirely absorbed in their own part of it to look mueh about them atid observe what others are doing. Furthermore, when a battle ends in defeat, everybody knows how prone men are to lay the responsibility for it on other shoulders than their own. Si> it has betni in this ease. Cor- respondents of the prt^s of Kiehnioud. the capital of the Con- federacy, where they had the ear of the world, reported that the failure of Longstreot's assault and our defeat at Gettys- burg was chargeable to Pettigrew's and Trimble's men. This is a great mistake and a bitter wrong. That defeat was inevitable, as one can readily set^ now as he stands on the groiind and observes how strong, how advantag"eons, how im- pregnable the Union position was. When the shattered rem- nants of that heroic column were falling back, our l>eloved conuuaiuier. General Lee, met them and said : "This is all my fault. It is I who have lost this battle. Fall in, men, and help rae out of it." He was too magnanimons and too truth- ful to blan\e any of them. Let his noble example be followed. Let history be just and place a wreath of immarteUes on the graves of them all. Wm. ^[. ROBBINS. Gbttysbukg, Pa., 3 July. 1901. FETTICREVS BRIGADE AT GETTY5BURQ. 1-3 JULY, 1663. By captain LOUTS G. YOUNCJ, A. A. G. The battle of Gettysburg was not a victory for either side, yet paradoxically, but rightly, it goes into history as one of the decisive battles of the war between the States, for it checked the conquering career of the Southern army, and re- vived the broken spirit of the Xorth at a most critical time. A great battle, re])lete with valiant deeds, heroic efforts, and fatal mistakes, on ihc part of the Army of Northern Virginia, it has been more written of, and has produced more contro- versy, than all the other battles of the war; and many able, some brilliant, accounts have been put forth, for the most part by non-participants, in all of whicli vital errors are to be found ; and while truth, with its proverbial slowness, has been taking time to put on its boots, many a falsehood has run its league and obtained credence. Against some of these my ef- forts will be directed, with statements of whtt I saw. and what 1 know to be true. Before beginning my narrative, however, it will be well to recall some of the incidents con- nected with the campaign into Pennsylvania, which arc so striking that it seems as if an unseen hand had directed them. General T^ee expecting from General Stuart, in command of his cavalry, a report of the movement of the Army of the Potomac, and not receiving it, supposed the enemy was still on the south side of the Potomac, and only on 28 -Tune did he learn from a scout that they had crossed into Maryland and were then at and about Frederick. Hitherto General Lee's march had been northward with Harrisburg as the objective point for concentrating his columns. T^Tow, the position of the enemy's forces was a menace to his line of communication 8 114 North Cakolkna Troops. 1861-'65. and he turned to the east and ordered his columns to concen- trate near Gettvsburu'. At the same time fateful changes had luH'u iiiadi' in the Army of the Potomac. Hooker, who had nor shown himself an ahle commander at Fredericksburg and C'hancellorsviHe, hut who liad wisely asked for the with- drawal of the troops from llarj^er's Ferry, to be united with a portion of his army to operate against Lee's rear, tendered his resignation, because his request was refused; and Lin- coln, api»arcntly glad to get rid of him, contrary to his theory and saying, "Never swap lu)rses while crossing a stream," accepted Hooker's resignation, and gave to the Army of the Potomac an abler conunander in Meade, who was waked up late on the night of 27 .Tune, only three days before the bat- tle he was destined to direct, to receive his appointment. This change of connnanders meant a change of plans, and Meade, a cautious commander, determined to maneuver so as to force Lee to attack him; and in making disposition for the defense of the line he liad selected, ordered a portion of his army to Gettysburg as a mask to his movements. Thus it was that the two armies were nearing eai'h other, neither of them ready for (U- exptx'ting the impending conflict, and not aware that Gettyslnirg like a highly charged magnet was drawing them to it. On the night of 30 J une, without thought of battle on the next day. Hill's Corps was in bivouac eight miles to the west of Gettysburg, the town was occupied by Buford's Division of cavalry; and four miles to the southwest were the corps of Reynolds and llowai'd; with that of Sickles in calling dis- tance, these three under command of Reynolds, a Kentuckian, and perliaps the most capable ofiicer in the Army of the Po- tomac. Xow to my narrative, which will be chiefly of Pettigrew and his brigade. I was tlien General Pettigrew's Aide-de- Camp with the rank of First Lieutenant. Pettigrew's Brigade was composed of the Eleventh, Tw^en- ty-sixth. Forty-fourth, Forty-seventh and Fifty-second North Carolina Troops. The Forty-fourth was left in Virginia on duty at North Anna river so was not present at Gettysburg. Hill's Corps had arrived at Cashtown, about eight miles Pettigrkw's Brigade at Gettysburg. 115 west of (jf'ttv.shui'fi-, (HI -ZU June. On the following morning Genei-al Pettigrew was ordered by General Ileth, his division conirnander, to go to Gettysburg with three of his four reg-' iments present, three field pieces of the Donaldsonville Artil- lery, of Louisiana, and a number of wagons, for the purpose of collecting conmiissary and quartermaster stores for the use of the army, (jeneral Early had levied on Carlisle, Cham- bersburg and Shippensburg, and had found no difficulty in having his requisitions filled, it was supposed that it would be the same at Gettj^sburg. It was txjld to General Pettigrew that he might find the town in possession of a home guard, which he would have no difficulty in driving away ; but if, contrary to expectations, he should find any organized troops capable of making resistance, or any portion of the Army of the Potomac, he should not attack it The orders to him were peremptory, not to precipitate a fight. General Lee with his columns scattered, and lacking the information of bis adversary, which he should have had from his cavalry, was not ready for battle — hence tlie orders. On the marcli to Gettysburg we were passed by General Longstreet's spy who quickly returned and informed General Pettigrew that Biiford's Division of cavalry — estimated at three thousand strong — had arrived that day and were hold- ing the tov/n. This report was confirmed by a Knight of the Golden Circle who came out for the purpose of giving us warning. Buford's presence made it evident that the Army of the Potomac, or at least a ])ortion of it, was not far off, and General Pettigrew sent immediately to General Heth, a report of what he had learned and asked for further instruc- tions. The message received in reply, was simply a repeti- tion of the orders previously given coupled with an expres- sion of disl^elief as to the presence of any portion of the Army of the Potomac. As the presence of Buford's Cavalry was certain, and it would not be possible for him to enter Gettys- burg without a fight, which he was forbidden to make, Gen- eral Pettigrew withdrew from before Gettysburg. This he did, not as was reported to General Lee, ^'because he was not willing to hazard an attack with the single brigade," (he had only three regiments of his brigade), thoTigh with Buford's 116 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. Cavalry, supported no doubt by a home guard, to fight, the cost of the stores when gotten would have been dear, still General Pettigrew was willing to niahe the attack had not his orders forbidden it. Buford's Cavalry followed us at some dis- tance, and Lieutenant Walter H. Kobertson and I, of Petti- grew's staff, remained in the rear to watch it. This we easily did, for the country is rolling, and from behind the ridges we could see without being seen and we had a perfect view of the movements of the approaching column. Whenever it would oome within three or four hundred yards of us we would make our appearance, mounted, when the column would halt until we retired. This was repeated several times. It was purely an affair of observation on both sides and the cavalry made no effort to molest us. My object in mentioning so minutely what might seem unimportant and purely personal will appear when I narrate what happened the next day, and will help to show how the great battle of Gettysburg was stumbled into. Blindness in part seemed to have come over our commanders, who, slow to believe in the presence of an organized army of the enemy, thought there must be a mistake in the report taken back by General Pettigrew, but General Heth asked for and ob- tained permission to take his division to Gettysburg on the following day, for the purpose of reconnoiteriug, and of making the levy which had been the object of the expedition on the day before. Neither General Heth nor General Hill believed in the presence of the enemy in force, and they ex* pressed their doubts so positively to General PettigrcAV that I was called up to tell General Hill what I had seen while re- connoitering the movements of the force which had followed us from Gettysburg. As a staff officer with General Pender, I had served under General Hill in the seven days fights around Pichmond and at Cedar Run, and because I was well known to General Hill, General Pettigrew supposed that my report might have some weight with him. Yet, when in an- swer to his inquiry as to the character of the column I had watched I said their movements were undoubtedly those of well-trained troops and not those of a home guard, he replied that he still could not believe that any portion of the Army of Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 117 the Potomac was up ; and in emphatic words, expressed the hope that it was, as this was the place he wanted it to be. This spirit of unbelief had taken such hold, that I doubt if any of the commanders of brigades, except General Petti- grew, believed that we were marching to battle, a weakness on their part which rendered them unprepared for what was about to happen. General Archer with his Tennessee Bri- gade, was to lead, and General Pettigrew described to him minutely the topography of the country between CashtoA^m and Gettysburg, and suggested that he look out for a road that ran at right angles to the one we were on, and which might be used by the enemy to break into his line of march. And, as he had carefully observed the configuration of the ground in the vicinity of the town, told General Archer of a ridge some distance out of Gettysburg on which he would probably find the enemy, as this position was favorable for defense. He found him there. General Archer listened, but believed not, marched on unprepared, and was taken by surprise, his command routed, a part captured and he himself taken prisoner. Davis' Mississippi Brigade, close on to Archer's, felt the im]>act, and a portion of it, carried away by the break in front, made the mistake of seeking shelter in an adjacent railroad cut, and about four hundred of them were captured there. For want of faith in what had been told, and a consequent lack of caution, the two leading bri- gades of Heth's Division marched into the jaws of the enemy, met with disaster, and, contrary to General Lee's wish, brought on an engagement with the Army of the Potomac be- fore we were ready, and precipitated one of the greatest bat- tles of modern times. Buford, informed by his scouts of the approach of Heth, posted his connnand, dismounted and acting as infantry, on McPherson's Hidge to the west of Gettysburg, and notified Reynolds, who, according to the testimony before the commit- tee on the conduct of the war, had just received orders to withdraw to Afiddleburg and Manchester, Imt who, Swinton says, "was with Wadsworth's Division moving on to Gettys- burg according to prescribed orders." Be this as it may, Reynolds was up immediately; and Wadsworth's Division 118 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. arrived in time to strike Archer as he was crossing Willough- by Run, and to cause the disaster I have described. Blood now having been drawn, there seemed to be no calling off the battle; and disposition was immediately made by Heth for a charge upon the enemy's position. By this time Buford'a Cavalry had been replaced by Wadsworth's Division, with the famous ''Iron Brigade*' posted directly in front of Petti- grew's Brigade. The other two divisions of the first corps arrived before the advauce could be ordered, and were placed, Doubleday's to the left and Robinson's to the right of Wads- worth, forming a long line in front of, and overlapping the single division of Heth. It was scarcely prudent for this division, two of its brigades maimed in the start, to make an attack on so large a force, strongly posted on a commanding ridge, so Pender's Division was marched to supportiug dis- tance, and the attack postponed. Pending these movements on our side, the Eleventh Corps of the Army of the Potomac had arrived, and the command of the two corps fell to Howard, Reynolds having been killed in the first engagement. More troops were therefore neces- sary to us, for we had only two divisions of infantry up against six of the enemy, and their cavalry hovered on our right, while Ave had none to oppose it. It was decided there- fore to wait for R. H. Anderson's Division of Hill's Corps, not far oft", and for Ewell's Corps, which under the insti-uc- tions previously given to concentrate in the neighborhood of Gettysburg, was on the march for Cashtown, but on hearing our guns, was shaping its course for Gettysburg. Rodes' Division coming up first, immediately attacked Robinson on our left, and was followed soon by Early, who turned How- ard's left and put to flight the army of the aliens — Schurz' Division of Geraians. Acting in concert with Ewell's two divisions— his third did not arrive until later — Heth's Divis- ion was ordered to charge the enemy in its front. We had confronted each other from early in the morning until the afternoon had well advanced, both sides understanding that a conflict of arms was in store for them, we ready to make the attack and they prepared to receive it. Only a few hundred yards separated us ; they were advantageously posted in three Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 119 lines on McPherson's Tiidge, their right in a wood of large trees, no nnderbnish; and a wheat field lay between us with no other obstruction than the nearly ripe wheat. As I have before stated, the ''Iron Brigade" was posted directly in front of ns. It was the finest brigade in the Army of the Potomac, and up to this time it had indulged in the proud boast that it had never been defeated. On the right of us, Archer's Brigade met with little opposition, and on our left Brockenborough's and Davis' Brigades Avere not so hotly engaged. Thus the brunt of the attack fell to Petti- grew's Brigade, more especially to its left. When the order came to advance, Pettigrew's Brigade about 3,000 strong, marched out in perfect alignment, and under as hot a fire as was ever faced, moved steadily through the wheat, reserved its fire for close range, which when delivered, it pressed on until it overcame its adversary. It was a hotly contested field, and the stubborn resistance of the ''Iron Brigade" was met with more than equal determination on the part of Petti- grew's Brigade. For a short time the battle raged at forty, then twenty, yards between the contestants. In the Twenty-sixth North Carolina thirteen standard- bearers were shot down ; and around a flag of the enemy, which was planted beside a large tree, the dead and wounded were piled up. At last with a rush the ridge was carried,* and the famous "Iron Brigade" nearly annihilated. Only a small remnant was left, to be easily driven from its second position on Seminary Ridge by Pender's Division. Of this charge the prisoners testified, that in defence of their own country, they fought as they had never done before, but that there was no withstanding such an attack. Petti- grew's Brigade, although it took only twenty to thirty min- *When we occupied the wood recently held- by the enemy my atten- tion was attracted by the dreadful — not moans but — howls of some of the wounded. It was so distressing that I approached several with the purpose of calming them if possible, and to my surprise I found them foaming at the mouth as if mad, and evidently unconscious of the sound of their voices This was the only occurrence of the kind which came under my observation during the war, and I attribute it to the effect upon the nerves of the quick, frightful conflict following several hours of suspense. 120 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. utes to cover the groimJ between it and the enemy, was more hotlv engaged than were any of the troops that participated in the first day's fight, and more of the enemy were killed and wounded in front of it than on any other part of the field. I have taken part in many hotly contested fights, but this I think, was the deadliest of them all, not excepting the third day's charge on Cemetery Eidge; and never have I seen or known of better conduct on the part of any troops, under any circimistances, or at any time. The marked achievement of Pettigrew's Brigade on this occasion was accomplished only at great sacrifice of life. It lost not one prisoner, but its loss in killed and Avounded was 1,000 to 1,100, including a num- ber of its best officers. The Twenty-sixth Xorth Carolina Regiment lost 549 out of 800. The Eleventh Regiment some 250 out of 550. The five field officers present with these two regiments were killed or. wounded. The Inspector-General of the brigade was killed, and its Ordnance Ofiicer wounded. In the many so-called histories of the battle of Gettysburg, which I have seen, I have found no record of these facts. The brilliant achievement of Pettigrew's Brigade on this day, its persistent courage, and its great sacrifice, have never met with merited acknowledgment.* In the midst of the engagement General Ileth was wounded and General Pettigrew was placed in command of the divis- ion. Colonel Burgwyn, of the Twenty-sixth, had been killed, and Colonel Leventhorpe, of the Eleventh, had been wounded, so the command of General Pettigrew's Brigade fell to Col- onel Marshall, of the Eifty-second, a very able young officer. I vividly recall my impression after the attack. The bril- liant success of Rodes and Earty on our left, ours in driving the enemy from our front into a position on Seminary Ridge *In Hoine accounts it is stated that we were fighting for several hours. On the skirmish line there was firing for several hours, but the charge on the enemy's line was quick work. To confrrm my imi>ression of the time taken, which I remember as about twenty minutes. J took occasion at the Confederate reunion in Charleston to look up evidence, and I found two privates who had taken part in the charge. They were not together when I put the question as to the time occupied in the charge; both answered promptly, one said twenty minutes and the other about half an hour. Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 121 from which he was quickly driven by Pender, left us with troops enough to follow up our success, and I wondered that we did not do so and take possession of Cemetery Kidge, which I believed then, and believe now, we could have done easily. The troops which had been engaged, although they had suffered severe losses, were in high spirit and ready to go on. In Ewell's Corps, Johnson's Division had come up fresh, and in Hill's Corps, Pender's Division had been only slightly engaged, while Anderson was in bivouac a short distance away. That we did not continue the fight was the first opportunity frittered away. If Ewell's and Hill's Divisions had pressed forward when the enemy re- tired to Cemetery Kidge, the battle of Gettysburg would have ended on the day it began. Ewell did not advance when Gen- eral Lee wished him. Hill's Corps was halted, and the enemy availed of our delay to hasten \\\) fresh troops and to strengthen his jjosition.'" The 2 July was also a day of lost opportunities for the Confederates. An early attack on either flank of the enemy could scarcely have failed of success. His line, three miles long, a])tly described as resembling a fish hook, with Round Top Mountain to the south the end of the shank, and Gulp's Hill, to tbe north the end of the curve, was a very strong de- fensive position if thoroughly fortified and manned with troops ; but either end taken by us would have rendered it un- tenable, and would have enabled us to sweep down upon the enemy and destroy him before he could escape. It was evi- dent that Meade's whole army could not all be up. The fact is, that only the First, Eleventh and a part of the Third Corps were present, the Second was distant thirteen miles. * General R. H. Anderson, of South Carolina, told me after tlie war, that hearing our gnns early in the day, he was hastening with his brig- ade to join ns; was not more than two miles away, when he was met by a messenger from General Lee with an order for him to halt and bivonac his brigade. Surprised at this, he first obeyed the order, and then rode on to Gettysburg to see General Lee and learn from him if this message was correctly delivered General Lee replied that there was no mistake made, and explained that his army was not all up, that he was in igno- rance as to the force of the enemy in front, that his (General Anderson's) alone of the troops present, had not been engaged, and tliat a reserve in case of disaster, was necessary. 122 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. the Fifth 23 miles, and the Sixth (16,000 strong) 34 miles. Here was an opportunity to crush the enemy in detail ; and General Lee having nearly the whole of his army with him, was ready and anxious to avail of it. Meade's refused right on Gulp's Hill, if driven in, would have placed Lee's left partly in rear of it ; this therefore seemed to be the most vul- nerable point, and General Lee at first wished Ewell and Hill to commence the attack, to be followed up by Longstreet, on Hill's right ; but Ewell's and Hill's trooj)s had been hotly en- gaged, and the enemy's position in their front would be very formidable if fortified during the night, which it was, so Longstreet was instructed to open the attack on the enemy's left, as soon as possible in the morning, (he was expected to do so at sunrise), while Ewell should make a demonstration on his right, so as to prevent reinforcements being sent to re- lieve the point of the main attack in front of Longstreet. Had this simple plan been carried out, one cannot doubt that the enemy's left positions would have fallen into our hands ; and with little Round Top, which Meade said rightly was the key to his whole position, in our possession, three of the corps of the Army of the Potomac would have been crushed before they could have received assistance, we would have oc- cupied Cemetery Ridge, and the battle of Gettysburg ended early on the second day. But Longstreet's heart was not in the attack ; his troops were near the battle field at day break, ready and waiting, while he ''went to General Lee's headquar- ters at daylight and renewed his (my) views against making an attack." (Longstreet's words). Every moment lost by us was gain to the enemy, whose distant corps were hurrying to Gettysburg. Yet General Lee, not desiring to force Long- street against his will, again reconnoitered the right of the enemy's position to see if it might not be better to make his main attack there ; but he found that during the night Gulp's Hill had been turned into a fort. He therefore at 1 1 o'clock ordered Longstreet to attack, which order was not obeyed, on the plea of waiting for Law's Brigade, which was on picket. The attack, therefore, instead of being at sunrise, or at 11 o'clock, was postponed to late in the afternoon, some nine hours later than it should have been. Bv this time Meade Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 123 had strengthened his left, new troops had arrived and what would, without doubt have been an easy and brilliant success in the morning, was a cruel failure in the afternoon. Heth's Division was not engaged on the 2d. The third day found the Army of JSTorthern Virginia weak- ened by the hard fighting of the first day, and by the dis- jointed efforts of the second, but there was still left in its "incomparable Southern infantry" the spirit and strength to achieve success if a proper concert of action could be obtained. General J^^e, therefore, decided to renew the attack, this time on the enemy's left center, his flanks being now too strongly fortified and guarded. The attack was again unfortunately intrusted to Longstreet, who, if he had little heart for the sec- ond day's iight, made no concealment of the fact, that he had none at all for the third day's ; and to this cause, without seek- ing any other, may be traced its failure. The weight of ev- idence goes to prove that it was General Lee's intention that Longstreet should make the attack with his entire corps, to be supported l)y half of Llill's Corps, all of it if necessary, and should this force succeed in penetrating the enemy's line, all the troops on the right to be pushed forward. Meanwhile Ewell on our left, acting in concert, was to assail the enemy's right so as to prevent him from reinforcing his center, and to assist in crushing his right wing. The artillery Avas to pre- pare the way, and before the smoke of the guns should have cleared away the attacking column was to be started. All this required concert and prompt, spirited action. But this is what happened. "General Longstreet's dispositions were not completed as expected," (General R. E. Lee's report) and therefore Ewell could not be notified, his attack, which was to have been simultaneous with that of Longstreet's, was made and repulsed. Thus the object of the diversion on the enemy's right was defeated. At 11 o'clock Colonel A. P. Alexander, in charge of the artillery, with nearly 150 guns ranged along Seminary Ridge, reported that he was ready; but not until 1 p. m. was the order given by Longstreet to commence firing. At the appointed signal our artillery opened on the enemy with its 150 guns, and kept it up for nearly two hours. Meanwhile the assaulting column had 124 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. been formed, but its composition was not on tbe scale contem- plated by General Lee. Instead of its being the entire First Corps with the Third to support it, Longstreet had selected only Pickett's Division from his corps, to which were added from Hill's Corps Heth's Division, two brigades from Pen- der's and one from Anderson's. Pickett's Division of three brigades was posted in two lines behind a rise on which runs the Emmettsburg road, its right supported by Wilcox's Brigade. Heth's Division to the left of Pickett's, and fully one hundred yards further back, was in one line behind the crest of Seminary Pidge, with Lane's and Scales' Brigades under Trimble in rear of its right. When Pettigrew, commanding Heth's Division, reported to Longstreet he was instructed to form in rear of Pickett as a support to his division, but before the order could be ex- ecuted it was countermanded, and directions given to place the division under the nearest cover to the left of Pickett's Division, with which it would advance in line. The align- ment of the divisions from right to left, w'as, Archer's Bri- gade of Tennesseeans under Colonel B. D. Fry ; Pettigrew's North Carolinians under Colonel James K. Marshall ; Davis' Mississippians under General Joseph Davis, and Brockenbo- rough's Virginians under Colonel Pobert Mayo. Pickett's was the directing division ; when it moved, Heth's Division was to move and as soon as possible overtake Pickett and continue the advance in line with it on its left. After much delay and uncertainty as to whether the attack would be made at all, Longstreet at last, with a nod of the head, started Pick- ett, and immediately Archer's and Pettigrew's Brigades moved forward. Pettigrew had taken every precaution to insure concert of action in the division ; l:)ut this was no easy matter, for the woods which concealed us from view of the enemy, and to some extent sheltered us from his shells, con- tained other troops seeking the same shelter, and it so hap- pened that General Davis, who afterwards told me that he had been indignant with General Pettigrew for cautioning him so frequently to conform promptly to the movement of Pettigrew's Brigade on his right, mistook other troops for Pettigrew's and did not discover his mistake until the two Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 125 right brigades had advanced some distance. When we emerged from the wood into the plain, the absence of the two left brigades was discovered, and General Pettigrew instruct- ed me to go for them with all speed, but I had scarcely turned to do so, when out came Davis from the woods with a rush, but not Brockeuborough's Brigade, and I asked General Pet- tigrew if I should go for it. He replied, ''K'o," that it might foUoAv, and if it failed to do so it would not matter. This was a small brigade that had suffered from frequent change of commanders, and had been so badly handled that it was in a chronic state of demoralization, and was not to be relied upon ; it was virtually of no value in a fight. Afterward it advanced to the protection of some rifle pits in front of Sem- inary Kidge, but it took no part in the charge. The day was beautifully clear; the smoke from the guns of the artillery, which was to have concealed our start, had been blown away. Before us lay bright fields, and a fair landscape, embracing hill and dale and moimtain ; and be- yond, fully three-fourths of a mile away loomed up Ceme- tery llidge, for two miles, its heights capped with cannon, and behind them the whole Army of the Potomac waiting for our little band. Davis' Brigade with its impetuous rush soon caught up with the two brigades of Heth's Division which had preceded it, and then the three, pushing forward together, caught up with Pickett's Division, making one line of the two divisions, which first through shot and shell, then grape and canister, then a hail of bullets from the musketry, marched over the plain, surmounted every obstacle, and reached the enemy's position, the strength of which was all he could desire. From the crest upon which he was entrenched the hill sloped gradually, forming a natural glacis and the configuration of the ground was such that when the left of our line approached his line it must come within the arc of a circle, from Avhich an oblique and the enfilade fire could be, and was, concentrated upon it. On the right Pickett's Divis- ion, Archer's and a part of Pettigrew's Brigade had pene- trated the w^orks, and so would all of it have done, but in the advance the pressure had been from right to left, and when the line reached the ridge, it vras sKghtly oblique ; consequent- 126 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. ly tlie left of Heth's Division was thrown back somewhat. Wlien not far from the stone fence behind which the enemy's infantry was entrenched, Davis' Brigade, reduced to a line of skirmishers, broke. It had suffered a great deal in the first day's fight ; and in its rush from the wood on Seminary Ridge, it had arrived right oblique on Pettigrew's left, and in process of forcing its line back to the left, in order to get into position, there was for a little while a huddling of the men together, which exposed them to greater loss than should have been, but the line was soon straightened out, and no troops could have done better until they broke; but this bri- gade was on the extreme left, not a support of any kind to brace it up, and exposed to flank, oblique and direct fire, what hope or confidence could be left to the few men, that if they held on they could succeed. General Fitzhugh Lee, in his work entitled ^'General Lee," says of the left brigades of our assaulting columns, which includes Davis', Pettigrew's and Archer's : "They made their assault in front of Hay's and Gibbon's Divisions, Second Corps, in the vicinity of Ziegler's Grove. Stormed at with shot and shell this column moved steadily on, closing up the gaps made, and preserving the alignment. 'They moved up splendidly,' wrote a iSTorthern otficer, 'deploy- ing as they crossed the long, sloping interval. The front of the column was nearly up the slope, and within a few yards of the Second Corps' front and its batteries, when suddenly a terrific fire from every available gun on Cemetery Ridge burst upon them. Their graceful lines underwent an instan- taneous transformation ; in a dense cloud of smoke and dust, arms, heads, blankets, guns, and knapsacks were tossed in the air, and the moans from the battlefield were heard from amid the storm of battle. Sheets of missiles flew through what seemed a moving mass of smoke ; human valor was powerless, and the death-dealing guns were everywhere throwing blazing projectiles in their faces.' No troops could advance and live. The fiery onslaught was repulsed as Pickett's Division had been, and then the survivors of both came back to their former positions, but not one-half of the fourteen thousand. The famous charge was over." Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 127 General Pettigrew had assigned me to the left of the divis- ion, and my duty was to see that the proper alignment was kept and if necessary to encourage the men, should there be any sign of faint-heartedness. At first I found it difficult to keep the men from crowding, and to make them give way to the pressure from the right, and this may have given the impression to some lookers on that our line wavered, but this trouble was soon remedied by the thinning of the ranks, done by shot and shell. As to my secoiul duty, that of encouraging the men to move forward, there was no need of a word from me. When gaps were made in tlie line the ranks closed up of their own accord, and continue*! to advance, until the catas- trophe, which I have described. Of course no troops, it mat- ters not what their straits, should retire from an attack with- out orders to do so ; but there is certainly mitigation for those who had none of their company officers to look to, and there were many companies, reduced to a few men, whose officers had all fallen. When what was left of Davis' Brigade broke it did so in an instant, there was none of the before-hand wav- ering reported by Longstreet and others, who were looking on from afar or not at all. This, like many others of the reports concerning the charge, was wholly imaginary. When Davis' Brigade broke, I reported to General Pettigrew and he imme- diately sent me to General Trimble to ask him to hasten for- ward to our support. I was then on foot. My gallant mare — and that she was gallant, her groom,* who was with me all during the war, and who has been my friend and servant for forty years, can testify — had succumbed to three wounds; and do not think me heartless, when I tell you, that when I placed a wounded soldier on her and sent them out, the thoughts of my heart were more with the spirited animal which had borne me bravely through many perils, than with my hurt comrade. I ran as fast as I could to deliver the mes- sage entrusted to me. General Trimble and his brigade were not and had not been in supporting distance ; they also must have been delayed, as was Davis' Brigade in the wood on Seminary Ridge. Be this as it may, they were too late to * James R. Norwood, a colored man. 128 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. give any assistance to the assaulting column. When I deliv- ered mv message, I knew it was too late, and I recall my sad reflection, "What a pity that these hrave men should be sacri- ficed." Already had the remnants of Pickett's and Heth's Divisions broken. They broke simultaneously. They had together struck the stone fence, driven back the enemy posted behind it, looked down on the multitude beyond ; and in the words of General McLaws, who was watching that attack, "rebounded like an India rubber ball." The lodgment ef- fected, was apparently only for an instant. No twenty min- utes expired, as claimed by some, before the hand full of brave men was driven back by overwhelming numbers. Then Trimble's command should have been ordered to the rear. It continued its useless advance alone, dinly to return before it had gone as far as we had. After delivering my message to General Trimble I re- turned to General Pettigrew. I found him walking out qui- etly ; he too had been dismounted, and together we returned to our starting point, arriving there after most of the survi- vors from the two divisions. Thus ended the famous battle of Gettysburg. Notwithstanding the failure of its efforts, the army was still unconqnered in spirit, and had Meade fol- lowed us back to Seminary Ridge, he would have found our troops read}^ to mete out to him what he had given us. But according to General Sickles, before the committee on the con- duct of the war, "it was by no means clear, in the judgment of the corps commanders, or of the general in command, whether they had Avon or not," they therefore made no coun- ter attack, and scarcely molested General Lee's army, as it slowly and deliberately withdrew, and returned to Virginia. The number composing the assaulting cohimn on this last day is variously estimated at 13,500 to 18,000 men. The troops actually engaged were in reality, only Pickett's Divis- ion of 4,500 to 5,000, and three brigades of Heth's, which were at the outside not over 4,000. Wiloox on the right ad- vanced only a small part of the way and was of no assistance to Pickett, and Trimble's advance was too late to be of the least support to our left. The little band of less than 9,000 men had traversed the wide plain, intersected with fences Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 129 mnniiio', some parallel, some oblique to our line, without shel- ter of any kind, without assistance from our artillery which had expended its ammunition, and had done no damage to that of the enemy or its infantry. The charge was grand, but that is all it was. "Some one had blundered." Said General Lee, "had I had Stonewall Jackson at Gettysburg I would have won a great victory." So I believe, but the man- tle of Elijah had not fallen on Elisha. Longstreet was not Jackson. There was, now is and always will be given to Pickett's Division exalted ]jraise for its part in this famous charge upon the heights of Gettysburg and it deserves it ; but I claim for Pettigrew's and Archer's Brigade not only equal, but a larger share of the honors of the day ; and even to Davis' Bri- gade, although the first to break, is due the tribute which is the meed of noble effort and heroic sacrifice in face of certain defeat. Whatever might have been the probabilities on the right and center of the assaulting column, there was no hope for the left, its flank stormed on by every conceivable missile of destruction. In its shattered condition it could have made no lodgment. Pickett on the right, although not supported by Wilcox as was intended, had the advantage of having been formed in two lines — two brigades on the front, one on the second line as a support ; whereas Heth's Division, unde-r or- ders, advanced in one line. Pickett's Division having been posted more than one hundred yards in advance of. Heth's, had a shorter distance to go; and above all, Pickett's Division was fresh. It had not yet participated in the battle ; its or- ganization v.'as complete, with a full roll of staff and field of- ficers. Heth's Division had suffered groat loss on the 1st, and General Pettigrew had with him as division staff, only the young volunteer aide, W. B. Sheppard, and myself; therefore the brigades of Archer and Pettigrew, which did in all respects as well as did Pickett's Division, are entitled to more credit, whereas they have been often included in the number of those blamed for the failure of the charge on Cem- etery Ridge. 'No State in the Confederacy contributed braver, more de- voted or better soldiers, or a greater number of them than did 9 130 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. ISTorth Carolina ; and yet in this instance, for some unaccount- able reason, they were made a mark for ignorant or vicious and false disparagement. In Heth's Division, of the sixteen regiments present at Gettysburg, only five were from North Carolina, yet such stufl:" as this, conceived in the brilliant im- agination of Swinton, finds credence and is repeated in other histories of like kind. Says Swinton : "It happens that the division on the left of Pickett under command of General Pettigrew was in considerable part made up of North Caro- lina troops, comparatively green. To animate them they had been told that they would only meet Pennsylvania mili- tia; but when approaching the slope they received the feu d'enfer from Henry's line, there ran through the rank a cry the effect of which was like that which thrilled a Greek army when it was said that the god Pan was among them: 'The Army of the Potomac' Then, suddenly disillusioned re- garding their opponents, Pettigrew's troops broke in disorder leaving tAvo thousand prisoners and fifteen colors in the hands of Ilejiry's Division." Brilliant rhetoric, but not truth. Think of the audacity of the manufacture. It says of Heth's Division, that it was ''in considerable part made up of North Carolinians," when they were only as five to sixteen; and then that they were frightened at a cry, "The Army of the Potomac." This, two days after Pettigrew's Brigade of North Carolinians had neaidy annihilated the best brigade in the Northern army. Another matter of no little importance. The division, even by such authority as Colonel AValtcr H. Taylor, of Gen- eral Lee's Staff, is spoken of as "Pettigrew's Division." Pet- tigrew had no division. The division was Heth's, and should be so spoken of whether in praise or blame. "In war," said Napoleon, "men are nothing, a man is everything." Troops are what their commanders make them; and General Petti- grew had no hand in molding Heth's Division. Nor is it fair to blame Hetli for the shortcoming of Brockenborough's Virginia Brigade, under Robert Mayo, the only troops on the ground which really behaved badly, for the division had been formed only a few weeks before, and had been constantly on the march since. There was not time for the influence of Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 131 the commander to be felt. In this matter not even a suspi- cion of blame must be attached to the name of Pettigrew, whose genius was such that its influence inspired and became a part of the humblest soldier in his command. He had in a few months made of his brigade as fine a body of infantry as ever trod the earth, and his men would have followed him wherever lie led, or gone wherever he told them to go, no mat- ter how desperate the enterprise. The brigade never lost the inspiration of his name, and from first to last was one of the very best in the army of the Confederate States. Its bap- tism of blood at Gettysburg prepared it for all subsequent hardships, and never, until included in the surrender of the 9,000 at Appomattox, did it fail to respond to the command to go forward. Its career was brilliant, and its history should be written and preserved. Its losses at Gettysburg attest its fierce struggle in that famous battle. On the morn- ing of 1 July it numbered 2,800 to 3,000, on the 4th 935. All the field officers, save one who was captured, were killed or wounded ; and the Ijrigade Avas commanded after the repulse from Cemetery Ridge by Major Jones, of the Twenty-sixth North Carolina, who had been struck by a fragment of a shell on the 1st, and knocked down and stunned on the 3d ; Gen- eral Pettigrew Avas painfully wounded, two of his staff Avere killed,* and one so seriously Avounded as to deprive the bri- gade of his services. On 1 July, Captain Tuttle, of the TAventy-sixth North Carolina, led into action tAvo Lieuten- ants and 84 men. All of the officers and 83 men Avere killed or Avounded. On the same day Company C, of the Eleventh, lost tAvo officers killed and 34 out of 38 men killed and wound- ed. Captain Bird Avith the four remaining, participated in the fight of the 3d ; of these the flag bearer Avas shot, and the Captain brought out the flag himself. These I give as ex- amples to shoAv hoAv persistently our men fought. The losses in several other companies Avere nearly as great as these. In the engagement of 1 July Ave lost no prisoners. After * Captain W. W. McCreery. Inspector General, was killed on 1 July. Captain N. C Hughes, A A. G., Avas mortally wounded nn the 3rd when with the Brigade under Colonel Marshall. "Lieutenant Walter H. Eob- ertson, Ordnanee Officer, was wounded on the 1st. 132 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. the repulse of 3 July, the enemy advanced a heavy line of skirmishers and captured some of the brigade, hnt no blame is to be attached to these. Lieutenant-Colonel John A. Graves, of the Forty-seventh ISTorth Carolina, whose courage often elicited comment and praise, would not permit those of his regiment in his hear- ing, some 150 men, to retire, telling them to wait the arrival of the supports, with which they would advance; they were then not far from the stone fence. The supports never reached this point, and the Lieutenant-Colonel and his men were taken prisoners. It is said that the Northern soldiers cheered the gallant charge made by the assaulting column on the third day, and of Lincoln it is reported that, looking from the steeps of Cem- etery Ridge, he said, 'T am proud to be the countryman of the men wdio assailed these heights." Is it not a crying shame that while our very enemies do us honor, there should be some among our own people to slander our brave soldiers ? The historian of the future Avill weigh the evidence in the scales of truth, and do justice to all. Praise is due to their memory, and for ourselves it is good to render it, since "we in some measure take part in good ac- tions when we praise them sincerely." Heroic deeds are torches to light the paths of our young, and — "Heaven doth with us as we with torches do, Not hght them for themselves." I would like especially to tell of General James Johnston Pettigrew^, who was a soldier of the highest attainments ; in strength of intellect approaching nearer the attributes of genius than any it has been my fortune to meet, and in char- acter like Robert E. Lee. But this article is full long, and I can only say of our dead heroes, that — "They died As they wished to die, the past is sure ; Whatever of sorrow may betide, Those who still linger by the stormy shore, Change cannot harm them now nor fortune touch them more." Louis G. Young. Savannah, Ga., 3 July, 1901. FETTIQREV'5 BRIQADE AT GETTYSBURG. By JOHN T. JONES, Lieutenant-Colonel Twenty-Sixth Regiment North Carolina Troops. Our division was in the front line on the left of Pickett, and a i3rolongation of the same line. Onr brigade was on the right of the di^dsion — onr regiment (Twenty-sixth) on the right of the brigade — consequently immediately on the left of Pickett. When we started, we were on the diameter of a cir- cle, and as we advanced, Pickett following the arc of the cir- cle, necessarily rather contracted the lines towards the cen- ter. We all moved oft' in as magnificent style as I ever saw, the lines i)erfectly formed. On we went. When we had crossed about half the intervening space the enemy opened on us witli a tremendous shower of grape and canister, but on we dashed, our l)rigade and Pickett's men. I could see nothing of the rest of our division, as they were too far to the left. My whole attention was directed to our own bri- gade and Pickett's Division, as we had been ordered to keep dressed to the right. When we had gotten within about 100 yards of the enemy's works, we commenced firing, but still advancing. The storm of lead which now met us is beyond description. Grape and canister intermingled with minies and buckshot. The smoke was dense and at times I could scarcely distinguish my own men from Pickett's, and to say that any one a mile off could do so, is utterly absurd. On Note.— This article is an extract from a letter to the father of Colonel Henry K. Bnrgwyn written from Culpepper C H., 30 July, 1863, by John T Jonesof the Twenty sixth North Carolina Regiment who as Major came out of the charge at Gettysburg in command of Pettigrew's brigade and was published in the FaiietteHlle Ohm-rer 18 April, 1864. It has the great merit of being cotemporaneous evidence from a most unquestionable source This gallant young officer was promoted Lieutenant-Colonel to date from 1 July, 1863, and was killed at the Wilderness 6 May, 1864. —Ed. 134 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. we pushed, and were now right upon the enemy's works when we received a murderous fire upon our left flank. I looked to see where it came from, and lo, we were completely flanked upon our left, not only by infantry, but by artillery. Here candor compels me to admit that one of the brigades of our division had given way, the enemy had seized upon the gap, and now poured a galling fire into our left, which compelled the troops to give way in succession to the right. What could we do now ? At the very moment I thought victory ours, I saw it snatched from our hands. With no support upon the left, I asked myself what we should do. I had only about sixty men left in my regiment, and that small number dimin- ishing ev M-y moment. The others had suffered as badly. The order ame from the right to fall back. We did so at the same time with Pickett. The day was lost. You must ob- serve I do not attach any blame to Pickett. I think he did his duty, and if he did, we certainly did ours, because I know we went as far as he did, and I can safely assert some distance beyond, owing to the shape of the enemy's Avorks, which ran backward in our front in the form of a curve, and which compelled us to go beyond where Pickett's men were already at their works in order to reach them ourselves. The color- bearer of my regiment Avas shot down while attempting to plant the flag on the wall. I will here mention a remark made to me afterwards by General Pettigrew. With tears in his eyes he spoke of the loss in his brigade, and then re- marked: ''iMy noble brigade had gained the enemy's works, and would have held them had not 's brigade given way. Oh ! had they have known the consequences that hung upon their action at that moment, they would have pressed on." It is well to be remembered that while Pickett's men were perfectly fresh, having nevei' fired a gun and having just come up, our brigade had been terribly cut up on the 1st, especially two of the regiments. The Twenty-sixth, which went into action on the 1st 850 strong, on the 3d only had for duty 230 men, and not officers enough to command the companies. If some troops can gain so much credit for being defeated, is it not strange that nothing is said of us when we (on the 1st) Pettigrew's Brigade at Gettysburg. 135 drove line after line of the enemy from their positions like sheep, and pnrsued them for two miles. What I say of our brigade I might say of the whole division. JSTo troops ever fonght better than ours. We were engaged for hours with five times our number, and routed them completely; but our loss was fearful — about 50 per cent. — among them our best officers. Our Major-General was wounded the first day. Captains and Lieutenants were in command of regiments on the 3d. Still we were put in the front rank, the post of honor, and not in support, as the Enquirer has it, when there were other troops comparatively fresh, who might have taken our place. Does not this show the confidence of our general in us ? Then look at our losses, which leaving out of account the first day, greatly exceed those of any other troops. Had Gen- eral Heth not been wounded, or had the lamented Pettigrew lived they con Id have told a tale that would have made those blush who are now trying to bear off the honors so nobly won by others. But alas, we have not even enough left to refute the foul calumny of those who would basely endeavor to pluck from our brows the laurels placed there at the sacrifice of so many of our noble companions. That we still retain the confidence of our commander is shown by our being placed as rear-guard, the post of honor, while the other troops were safely crossing the river (Poto- mac. ) It was hei'e in an attack made upon our lines that the brave Pettigrew fell, while setting an example of heroic cour- age and presence of mind to those who had followed him un- faltering through so many dangers and hardships. In him the brigade sustained its heaviest loss. In him our State lost one of her brightest stars, and the Confederacy one of her ablest defenders. John T. Jones. Culpepper C. H., Va., 30 July, 1863. THE FETTIGREy-PlCKETT CHARGE. GETTYSBURG, 3 JULY, 1563. By captain S. A. ASHE, A. A. G., Pender's Brigade. The rhird day ot the struft'gde between the contending armies near Gettysbnrg- opened clear and chadless. The July sun beamed down on the battlefield of the previous day majestically serene — thro^^■iniI,• into bold relief the outlines of the picture. Standing- on Cemetery Hill, a mile south of the little town of Gettysburo-. one saAV the range continue to the southward, now jutting e enacted. Battery Gregg and Fort Surapter were made ready to fire over Wagiier on the advancing column, and the batteries on James Island to enfilade its face. General Hagood was ordered to be in readiness to sup- port or relieve General Taliaferro and proceeded to reinforce the garrison with the Thirty-second Georgia Regiment, Colo- nel Harrison. On the part of the Federals Brigadier-General Strong's Brigade was to lead the assault. It was composed of the Fif- ty-fourth Massachusetts Itegiment, Colonel Shav/; the Sixth Connecticut Regiment, Colonel J. L. Chatfield ; a battalion of the Seventh Connecticut Regiment, Colonel Barton; the Third ^N'ew Hampshire; the Forty-eighth ]^ew York Regi- ment, Colonel Jackson ; the Xinth Maine Regiment, Colonel Emery ; and the Seventy-sixth Pennsylvania Regiment, Col- onel Strawbridge, and was to be supported by Colonel Ptit- man's Brigade, composing his own Regiment (the Seventh Xew Hampshire), Lieutenant-Colonel Abbott; the One Hun- dredtla JSTew York Regiment, Colonel Dandy ; the Sixty-sec- ond Ohio Regiment, Colonel Pond : and the Sixty-seventh Ohio Regiment, Colonel Voris. Brigadier-General T. Sey- mour was to command the assaulting column and to arrange the details for attack. Some time before sunset these regiments were formed on the beach in rear of their batteries, in columns of eight com- panies, closed at half distance. The Sixth Connecticut Reg- iment was to lead and attack the southeast salient angle of Wagner. The Forty-eighth ]Srew York was to pass along the sea front and facing inward, to attack there ; the other regi- ments of the brigade to charge the south front, extending in- ward toward the marshes, on the left ; the Fifty-fourth Massa- 164 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. chiisetts (colored), 1,000 strong, was in advance of all and to be the "enfans pe^^dus." Thej formed in two lines ahead of the brigade. Their commander was Colonel Robert G. Shaw. He was slender and under the medium height, with light hair, a beardless face, and looked like a boy of 17 years, when seen at daylight the morning after the assault, cold and stiff in death on the very tojj of our breastworks and at the muzzle of our best Columbiad with three mortal wounds, either of which must have been a death woimd, a bullet wound througli the forehead, another through the lower body, and a bayonet thrust in his chest. His Adjutant lay dead only three feet to his right, and his Sergeant Major about the same distance to his left. Had the supporting column of 6.000 came to the relief Wagner would have undoul)tedly fallen that night, but the dreadful slaughter of the assaulting column, their cries of agony and death so paralyzed them that they broke in gTcat disorder and fled to the rear. Colonel Shaw with his colored troops, led the attack. They came forward at a '^'double-quick" with great energy and resolution; but on ap- proaching the ditch they broke, the gi'eater part following their intrepid Colonel, bounded over the ditch, mounted the parapet and planted their flag in the most gallant manner upon the ramparts, where Shaw was shot and bayonetted to death ; while the rest seized with a furious panic acted like wild beasts let loose from a menagerie. They came down first on the Ninth Maine, and then on the Seventy-sixth Penn- sylvania, and broke them both in two. Portions of the Ninth and Seventy-sixth mingled with the fugitives of the Fifty- fourth (colored), and could not be brought to the front. The Sixth Connecticut (Colonel Chatfield) succeeded in passing through the deadly fire, and made a furious charge on the southeast angle and took it and held it for three hours, no sup- port having dared to follow across the fatal stretch before the fort. To retreat was worse than to advance. During the three hours that tliis portion of the works was held by Colonel Chatfield (it was on top of the bomb-proof about thirty feet above the heads of the defenders) several of our men were shot in the back, while standng ready to defend the fort from any other advance; when this became known, Defence of Fort Wagner. 165 as it did in a few moments, General Taliaferro, in command of the fort, called to a Federal soldier on the bomb-proof and told him to say to his commanding officer that he wished to speak to him. In a moment an officer came to the edge of the bomb-proof, inquired what was wanted of him.. General Taliaferro said to him in substance: '"Your men have fired into the backs of my men from your position on the bomb- proof, and have wounded several. ^NTow what I wish to say is this : 'If another shot is fired into my men, I will put to death every officer and man I find up there. You are my prisoners. If you do not consider that you are, you Jiave my permission to make your escape, and not one man will be able to reach his lines.' " This quieted matters, and in a short time the Thirty-first Georgia Eegiment and two companies of the Charleston Battalion deployed along the western face, when the Sixth Connecticut surrendered. The assault was bravely made, but was doomed to failure from the onset. The demoralization of the negro troops at the supreme moment threw the ranks of the Federals into dis- order. The converging fire of the artillery and infantry on the narrow approach prevented a rally. Few could move within that fatal area and live. The situation of the works for])ade any feint or diversion, so that the garrison could con- centrate their attention on one point alone. Besides the in- creasing darkness rendered more dense by the smoke of con- flict, added to the confusion of the assailants, and helped the assailed, and thus the fortunes of war once more smiled on Fort Wagner, giving to the Confederates a complete victory and to the Federals an overwhelming defeat. Language has not the power to describe the horrors of the niglit of the assault. The shattered column of the enemy was driven back to the shelter of the sand hills. Four thousand men had been dashed against Fort Wagner ; when reformed within the Federal lines only 600 answered to their names. Brigadier-General Strong was mortally wounded and Colo- nels Chatfield, Putman and Shaw were left dead within our lines. A desnltnry fii-e oi small arms wiih an oceasi'inal dis- charge of grape and canister was kept up for a time at an unseen foe from the ramparts of Wagner. Soon silence and 166 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. stillness reigned supreme, broken only by the moans of the wounded and dying, xit last the long night was ended and the sun of a peaceful Sabbath rose revealing the sickening scene. ''131ood, mud, water, brains and human hair matted together; men lying in every possible attitude, with every conceivable expression on their countenances ; their limbs bent into unnatural shapes by the fall of twenty or more feet, the fingers rigid and outstretched as if they had clutched at the earth to save themselves; pale, beseeching faces looking out from among the ghastly corpses, with moans and cries for hel}> and -water and dying gasps and death struggles. In the salient and on the ramparts they lay heaped and pent up, in some places, three deep. All of Sunday was employed in burying the dead. Eight hundred ^\-ere buried by the Confederates in front of Wag-ner. The wounded and dead more remote from Wagner were cared for by their friends. We took prisoners, including wounded and not wounded, about six hundred. For fifty-eight days Wagner and Gregg with a force never exceeding sixteen hundred men, had withstood a thoroughly equijjped army of eleven thousand five hundred men, the Iron- sides, eight monitors and five gunboats. For every pound of sand used in the construction or repair of Fort Wagner, its as- sailants had exploded two pounds of iron in the vain attempt to batter it down. At the end of the liombardment, as at the commencement, Wagner stood sullen, strong and defiant as ever. Federal history calls the capture of Batterv Wagner a great victory. Victory? Seven hundred and forty men driven out of sand hills by eleven thousand five hundred. Ta\'o months in advancing half a mile towards Charleston, they made their boast that Sumpter was demolished over Wagner. This only teaches the world that sand batteries are more impregiiable than the most solid masonry, especially when men are behind them ^vho know ho\v to fio-ht in them by d.ay and repair them by night. To-day that famed fort is leveled, its bomb-proof, parapets and traverses are blotted out ; not by the iron hail of hostile batteries, but by the wind of heaven and the tides of ocean. Defence of Fort Wagxer. 167 What the wrath of man could not accomplish, the ''still small voice" of the Almighty has done. Ere long the sea with its white capped waves will sweep athwart the page of our country's history, which has been written in blood ; even the site of Fort Wagner will be gone. ISTot so its name and fame. Sooner will Thermopylae, Mar- athon, Salamis, Sebastopol and the other places where in the past men have dared, endured and died, be lost to memory, than will be forgotten the heroic patience and devoted courage of the soldiers who manned the defences of Morris Island. In consequence of the great importance of a proper defence of Wagner, the command devolved on some officer of high rank, as for instance during this siege by General W. B. Tal- iaferro and Colonel Graham, General Johnson Hagood, Gen- eral A. H. Colquitt, General T. L. Clingman (of our bri- gade), Colonel Geo. P. Harrison and L. M. Keitt succeeded each other in command, serving generally about five days each. The Confederate forces engaged in repelling this famous assault on 18 July, 1863, was as follows: The Fifty-first ^orth Carolina Regiment; detachment of Captains Buckner's and Dixon's companies of Sixty-third Georgia Artillery ; Cap- tains Tatum's and Adams' companies First South Carolina Infantry (as artillery) ; section of howitzers of DeSaussure Artillery, Captain DePass ; section of howitzers Blake's Ar- tillery, Lieutenant Waties ; Charleston Battalion, Lieutenant- Colonel P. C. Gaillard, and Thirty-first ISTorth Carolina Reg- iment, General W. B. Taliaferro in command — about fifteen hundred men all told. E. K. Bryan, E. H. Meadows. New Bern, N. C, 18 July, 1901. CHlCAnflUGA. 15-20 SEFTEMBER. 1863. By captain C A. CILLEY, A. A. G.. Van Derveer's Brigade. Governor C'arr, in order that the valor and devotion of the five regiments from this State which fonght at Chica- manga, hitherto unnoticed and uncelebrated, should not be forgotten, took advantage of the Act of Congress, and during the past summer (1893) appointed Commissioners to proceed to the field, locate the position of the Sixty-fifth North Caro- lina (Sixth Cavalry), Twenty-ninth, Thirty-ninth, Fifty- eighth and Sixtieth North Carolina Infantry, and secure the permanent designation of the same upon the maps and upon the ground. Five, of the seven, gentlemen appointed by him, on the even- ing of 25 October, 1893, met upon the battle field, and duly organized the Commission by electing Captain Isaac H. Bailey, the senior Confederate officer, chairman, and Clinton A. Cilley, secretary and historian. The other members pres- ent were Lieutenants I). F. Baird and Wm. S. Davis, of Wa- tauga County, and J. G. Hall, of Hickory. Before going to the field, the reports of every Confederate officer who had commanded North Carolina troops there, from Ca]:)tain to General, were read, compared and carefully collated. Maps, furnished by the War Department were laboriously examined, compared with the reports, and the re- sults thus obtained again gone over in the light of the reports of the Federal Commanders. Letters received from survi- vors were also filed with the reports, and a history, as accu- rate as the times and material at our conmiand would allow, * It may appear singular that this account of North Carohna troops should be written by a Federal officer, but he was in the battle on the other side and as it happened just opposite North Carolina regiments. Being well informed as to the location he was appointed by Governor Carr Chairman of the Conmiission to visit the field and locate the posi- tion of the troops from this State. This sketch is an extract from the report of the Commissioners. After the war he located in this State and was one of its best citizens — Ed. 170 North CarolIxXa Troops, 1861-65. was written out, of each regiment in action, giving its halting places, line of march, jilaces where engaged, and where finally located at the end of the battle. This preparation showed four pliases of the battle of Chic- amauga especially Avorth our attention, not only as attended with the most important results to both armies, but as show- ing most conspicuously the gallant conduct of the soldiery of North Carolina. We may perhaps be pardoned for saying that, since this great struggle has of late been given its true place in the history of the war, as the most critical of any in the West, and will surely take its position in the history of the world as one of the few decisive battles of the century, it becomes more and more necessary to put in enduring form the record of North Carolina's achievements there, thus grown to be of even more than national importance. We noted down and each of these subjects was fully and patiently discussed between the National Commission and ourselves the night before we went over the gTound. 1. The attempt of General Bragg to turn the Federal left, and thus secure control of the contested State road leading from LaFayette to Chattanooga. The attack was opened by Forrest's horsemen. Davidson's Brigade, in which was the Sixty-fifth North Carolina ( Sixth Cavalry) took part in the movement, and we had already secured evidence of the Sixth's honorable position on the right of the line. Some Ex-Confed- erates, who had served under Forrest here, and who visited the field a few days before our arrival, had so located the positions as to corroborate in every way our views. Forrest was soon reinforced by Ector's infantry brigade, containing the Twenty-ninth North Carolina, who formed, advanced and fought over substantially the same ground as the cavalry. As neither the reports of the brigade or regimental com- manders of either the cavalry or infantry detachments have been found or printed, we had to rely upon other evidence as to the locations. General H. V. Boynton, of the United States Commission, had commanded a regiment, and one of our Commission had been a staff officer, in the brigade which successively met the assaults of Forrest, and Ector, so that Chicamauga. 171 their recollection, aided by information collected before leav- ing home, enabled us to fix the position of the Sixth and Twenty-ninth, accurately, and to the satisfaction of all pres- ent. 2. The famous break through the Federal centre about noon on Sunday. Here it was, according to the report of Colonel David Coleman, Thirty-ninth iSTorth Carolina, who towards the close of the day took command of his brigade in consequence of General McISTair having been disabled, that the brigade, under Coleman's command, charged across an open field in face of the heavy fire, and captured nine cannons whicli had been playing upon it from the eminence. Colonel Coleman, with the modesty of the soldier, contents himself with the simple statement, and says no more. The commander of another brigade also claims the honor of the capture, fortifying his statement by certificates from various subordinates. The division commander refers to both reports, bnt does not decide between them. He inti- mates, however, that out of the abundance of captured can- nons, both brigades may have taken the number claimed. This made it necessary for us to collect all available evi- dence, and subject it to the United States Commissioners the night before our actual inspection of the ground. Reports, maps and other printed matter were thoroughly examined and discussed, and we were assured that should the morning survey confirm the conchision arrived at, we could regard our contention as successful. The next day, after establishing the point where the guns Avere massed, we walked up the long slope of Dyer's field, over which ten or twelve divisions had fought, and a second comparison of all the evidence available, made on the very spot of the conflict, so plainly showed the justice of Colonel Coleman's claim, tliat we were directed to drive down a stake marked with the regiment's name, the date and fact of the exploit, at the location contended for. 3. The attack by Breckinridge on the Federal left, Sunday afternoon, and the desperate fighting for the State road in Kelley's field. We had no member of the Sixtieth ;N"orth Car- olina with us, their regiment having participated in the bat- 172 North Carolina Troops, 1S61-'65. tie here as a member of Stovall's brigade, bvit as two of our party on the field were engaged with the brigade which re- ceived the charge of the Confederates, and had special cause for remembering every incident of the struggle there, we had no difficulty in establishing the location. Again reports and majjs were brought out, one paced off the distance, another read the statement of brigade and regimental commanders, General Stewart consulted the maps and announced the de- cision. The result was that an oaken tablet, suitably in- scribed, was put up on the side of the road, marking it as the spot where the Sixtieth North Carolina Infantry, at noon 20 September, reached the farthest 'point attained by the Confed- erate State Troops in that famous charge. •1. It remained now only to trace the route of the Fifty- eighth Infantry from where it crossed the river, to the scene of its magnificent achievement on Snodgrass Hill. Three of our Commissioners were survivors of that regiment, and un- der their guidance, consulting as ever the reports and maps, we had no lr(nible in following its ]jath from its first service, supporting batteries, across the field just traversed by the Thirty-ninth, to the place where, about the middle of the afternoon, this command, never before under fire, plunged into the bloodiest struggle of the battle, and one of the dead- liest conflicts of the war. Here it was at the base and up to the crest of a wooded hill, that Longstreet hurled six divisions in an attempt to drive Thomas to retreat. The slopes up which it toiled, the ravines through which it fought its way, were again trodden by some of its old officers, and after the fullest discussion, careful examination of printed and verbal testimony, inspection and measurement of the ground, the point vherc the topmost vare of the tide of Southern battle brolce nearer than any other to the unbroken lines of Thomas' defence, was agreed by us all to have been reached by the Fifty-eighth North Carolina Infantry. During its three hours fighting here, the command lost one-half of its men killed and wounded. This point designated by the tablet which we jnit up, was not a stone's throw from the place selected l)y the Second Minnesota (Federal) Regiment, (whose loss was precisely the same), for its monument. Chicamauga. 173 We mav be pardoned for saying that such an interview has seldom taken place upon the battlefield as we witnessed. There were six veterans, some from each contending army, who had borne, among them, every commission from Second Lieutenant up to Lieutenant-General, who thirty years ago had met almost face to face in the conflicts intent only on designating without error, the exact position of their ancient commands. Plaving made this location, our task was over. We beg leave to express the hope, however, that men Avho so highly distinguished themselves as the troops of this State did in Kelley's and Dyer's fields, and on Snodgrass Hill, should re- ceive from i^orth Carolina statelier monuments and more enduring memorials than simple tablets of oak or iron. This battle field is now visited almost daily. It will surely become the point to which students and travellers will turn by thousands every year, and when it is seen that the South- ern State, which sent the bravest soldiers to the field, has neg- lected them, it will read ill for this Commonwealth. ]S[o official location being as yet allowed upon Missionary liidge, we did not attempt to make any there. While at Chattanooga we were visited by Mr. J. P. Smartt and Mr. E. S. Pinion, the former a soldier in Cheatham's Division, who knew the position of the cavalry brigade and Ector's Infantry, the latter a soldier of the Twenty-ninth ^orth Carolina from Jackson County. Their recollection perfectly coincided with the results we had reached as to the location of these troops. Clinton A. Cilley. Chairman. Lenoir, X. C, 3 November, 1893. Note — The North Carolina regiments at Chicamauga were brigaded as follows: Twenty-ninth — in Ector"s Brigade, Walker's Division. Thirty-ninth—m McNair's Brigade, Johnson's Division, Buckner's Corps. Fifty-eighth— \n Kelly's Brigade, Preston's Division, Bnckner's Corps. Sixtieth— in Stovall's Brigade, Breckinridge's Division, D. H. Hill's Corps. Sixty-fifth {Sixth Cavalry) — in Davidson's Brigade, Pegram's Division, Forrest's Corps. — Ed. frHE NEW YORK 1 PUBLIC LIBRARY ASTOR, LENOK AND TILOEN FOUNOATiON^ BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 1. R. F. Hoke, Major-General a. M. W. Ransom, Brigradier-General. 3. W. G. Lewis. Lieut -Colonel, Com- manding Hoke's Brigade. 4. J. W. Cooke, Commanding the " Albe- marle." 5. John W. Graham, Major, 56th N. C. T., Historian of the Battle. THE CAPTURE OF FLYHOUTH 20 APRIL, 1664. By major JOHN W. GRAHAM, Fifty-Sixth Regiment N. C. T. The Confederate forces on this expedition under command of Brig-adier-General E. F. Hoke, were Kemper's (Va.) Bri- gade, under Colonel Terry ; Hoke's Brigade composed of the Twenty-first Georgia, Sixth, Twenty-first and Forty-third Xorth Carolina Regiments under Colonel Mercer, of the Twenty-first Georgia, the Senior Colonel ; and Eansom's Bri- gade under Brigadier-General M. W. Ransom, composed of the Twenty-fourth, Twenty-fifth, Fifty-sixth, Eighth and Thirty-fifth iNrorth Carolina Regiments. The Eighth, which belonged to Clingman's Brigade, had been temporarily substituted for the Forty-ninth, left on picket duty on the Chowan river. There were also a part of a regiment of cavalry under Colonel Bearing, and several batteries of artillery, under Lieutenant-Colonel Branch and Major Reid, all from Virginia, except a section of Captain Miller's (Co. E, 10th K. C. Regiment) Capt. Lee's Mont- gomery Blues, of Alabama, and Bradford's (Miss.). The Federal foi'ces under command of Brigadier-General H. W. Wessels, consisted of the Eighty-fifth IsTew York, Six- teenth Connecticut, One Hundred and First and One Hun- dred and Third Pennsylvania, two companies of Second Mas- sachusetts Heavy Artillery, Twenty-fourth JSTew York Inde- pendent Battery of Light Artillery (six guns), two compa- nies (A and F) of the Twelfth ISTew York Cavalry, besides two companies recruited in iSTorth Carolina, aided by the gim- boats Miami, Soutlifield, WJiitehead and Ceres. The ram Albemarle , which had been partially completed at Edwards' Ferry on the Roanoke river, was expected to go down and join in the attack, and especially to encounter the four gunboats above named, commanded by Captain Flusser, a Eentuckian, said to be an officer of rare intrepidity and 176 North Carolina Troops, 186l-'65. merit. In order to give a better understanding of the natural strength of Plymouth and its surroundings, I will state that there are two creeks emptying into the Eoanoke above the town of Plymouth, the land between them l^eing called War- ren's iSTeck, on which ^^'as erected a fort of three guns — one 100-pounder, and two 32-pound Parrotts. Immediately west of the town and outside of the fortifications was a marsh extending around to the southwest corner, and crossed only at one point by a causeway on the Boyle's Mill road. The for- tifications were somewhat in the shape of a parallelogram, the longest side parallel to the river, Fort Williams with six guns about the center of the line, and projecting forward to the south. On the lo^wer side of Plymouth Conaby creek flows into the Roanoke, but a mile or more to the east of the town. AVhere the Columbia road enters on this side, the breast- works were not continuous, btit the road was commanded on the left as yoii enter, near the town boundary by redoubts Avith two guns each at James Bateman's and Charles La- tham's, and to the right was Port Comfort with three guns, and between that and the river was a swamp, the passage through which was very difficult, and these together were considered a sufficient defence for that side. Two roads entered the town from the south, the Lee's Mill road a little to the east of Fort Williams, and the Washington and Jamesville road near the southwest comer. To more effectually command this last road, and a road which branched off to the left, the Eighty- fifth redoubt, with three guns, called Fort Wessels (or Fort Sanderson) had been erected to the left of the Washington road, aliout half a mile from the line of breastworks, and be- yond the ravine which goes intO' the swamp heretofore de- scribed. Inside of the fortifications a marsh commences near the corner of Monroe and Water streets, and extends out be- yond the fortifications. Between this marsh inside the town and the Eoanoke river, on a mound or hill now" called Fort Worth, was an intrenched camp, where the line of breast- works came to the river, and sweeping over it had been placed a 200-pound gun, intended expressly for the ram Albemarle. Between Second and Third streets, where they reached the The Capture of Plymouth. 177 line of breastworks at the west, and across another ravine ex- tending out into the swamp, had been erected an intrenched. canip with redoubt, and also another redoubt was at the south- west corner of the intrenchments near the Toodles house. As the Federal forces had occupied Plymouth for more than twelve months, every effort had been made to ren- der the place secure from attack, the different forts and other redoubts along' the line of breastworks being protected by moats, palisades, chevaux de frise, and made as strong to resist bombardment or assault as engineering skill could de- vise. The Confederate forces had been collected rapidly at Tarboro, from which the expedition started on 15 April, 1864, and arrived within five miles of Plymouth by 4 p. m., on Sunday, the ITth, capturing the pickets and routing a company of cavalry. The First Virginia Regiment, under ]\Iajor Xorton, was thrown forAvard as skirmishers, and Kemper's Brigade, with Bearing's cavalry and two batteries of artillery under Major Reid turned off on a road to the left leading to Warren's Neck, to threaten the town from that direction ; and Generals Hoke and Ransom, with their brigades, not following the direct road from Jamesville, as the bridge across the creek had been destroyed, turned to tlie right and crossing the troops on a mill dam, made a circuit around into the Wash- ington road, a mile below its junction with the Jamesville road. Sending on a company of cavalry, two Yankees were killed of the picket at this post (Red Top), two only escap- ing. Soon we hear the "long-roll" of the enemy, and our line is formed to receive a shelling. General Hoke's Brigade is some distance in advance and on both sides of this road, and Ransom's further to the right and along a road Avhich goes perpendicular to the line of breastworks on the south of the town. Skirmishers are sent forward by both sides, the enemy also opening briskly with his artillery. I^ight soon comes on, and all is quiet on this part^ of the line except an occasional interchange of shots between the skirmishers. It is understood that the women and children in the town 12 178 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. were sent off to Roanoke Island Sunday night. During the night and next morning Hoke's Brigade is moved entirely to the left of the Washington road and all his skirmishers in front of Ransom's Brigade are relieved by the Twenty-fifth and companies from the other regiments. A detail of 250 men has been engaged during the night, under CoIodcI l'ais(m, in building works near the Washington road from which our ar- tillery can play upon Fort Sanderson (or Wessels). These are so far finished next morning that one company at a time is left to complete the work, and three guns were placed in position. The enemy can now see what has been done, and open upon them. The fire is returned, but slowly at first. Company H, of the Fifty-sixth Regiment, still continuing the work for •other guns, and some of them being wounded by a shell. After a while our pieces began in earnest and nearly silenced Fort Sanderson, though receiving a hot fire from Fort Williams. The day is passed in shelling by our artil- lery at different points, our cavalry being around on the Co- lumbia road to watch any movements in that direction. In the afternoon Dearing and Reid, with field artillery, had opened a brisk fire on Fort Warren on the river above the town at 1,500 yards, with marked effect, soon cutting down the garrison flag staff". The gun boats steamed up to the assistance of the fort, but one was so seriously disabled that she sank on her return down the river. Late in the afternoon we learn that General Hoke, with his brigade, will assault Fort Sanderson, while Ransom's Brigade with fourteen pieces of artillery under Lieutenant-Colonel Branch, will make a demonstration on the enemy's left center (that part of the works on tlie long side of the parallelogram, on the enemy's left east of Fort Williams.) About 5 p. m.. Ransom's Brigade moves to the right through some woods, and at the open space in front skinnishers are throA\m forward from the different regiments to relieve the Twenty-fifth, which now assembles to the left, and connects with Hoke's right, distant about three-fourths of a mile from Ransom's left. Four companies of the Fifty-sixth on its right, B, I, E and The Capture of Plymouth. 179 A (Captains Roberts, Harrill, Lockhart and Hughes), go forward as skirmishers, and the brigade (Ransom's) now moA^es by the right flank and at the edge of the woods forms line of battle in the following order: the Twentv-foiirth on the right, next the Eighth, Fifty-sixth and Thirty-fifth. The line is now in full view of the enemy, as for a mile out f]*om the fortifications everything had been cleared up, and targets planted to indicate distance, upon which frequent practice had been made. The skirmishers, under Captain Jno. C. PegTam and Lieu- tenant Applewhite, of the brigade staff, rush forward, those of the enemy giving way after a slight resistance. Our ar- tillery, consisting of Pegram's, Bradford's, ]\Iiller's and other batteries, gallop to the front and quickly unlimber. It is now tbat we learn that our demonstration is to march behind these batteries, and receive the fire of the enemy from more than twenty pieces of artillery, besides two gun boats, throw- ing every grade of shell from the 200-pound gun to the 12- pound iS[apoleon. vSteadily our line advances, lying down at every halt, the iron bolts falling thickly in front and rear, and sometim<^s in the line itself. Our skirmishers have run those of the enemy over their In-eastworks, and are now lying down to avoid as far as possible the heavy shower of grape with which they are greeted. The demonstration is kept up from 6 until nearly 10 p. m., our guns having fired rapidly and the cais- sons several times bringing up new supplies of ammunition, and our line has advanced three-fourths of a mile and within 800 yards of Fort Williams, the infantry being ordered to reserve their fire. A correspondent of the Richmond Examiner signed "R." on 24 April, 1864, says: "The action commenced about sunset, the night being perfectly clear with a full moon, every object was visible. The sight was magTiificent^ — the scream- ing, hissing shells meeting and passing each other through the sulphurous air, appeared like blazing comets with their burning fuses, and would burst with frightful noise, scatter- ing their fragments as thick as hail." To show how deadly were some of these missiles, I quote from the sketch of the 180 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'G5. Eig-lith Regiment bv Prof. Lnchvig, Vol. 1 of this work, jiage 399: "The gimboats in the river also took part in shelling our batteries and line. One shell from a gunboat came o^'er the town, stimck the ground about one hundred and fifty yards in front of the Eighth, ricocheted, and the next time struck the ground in the line of the regiment and ex- ploded, killing and wounding fifteen men of Company H. Three of the men were killed outright, two were mortally wounded, and of the others some were severely and some slightly wounded." Lieutenant C. R. Wilson, of Company D, and fourteen men of the Fifty-sixth Regiment, were wounded, several seri- ously, but none mortally. In the Twenty-fourth Lieutenant Wilkins was killed and five men wounded. I do not know the casualties in the Thirty-fifth and TAventy-fifth. At 12 o'clock Ransom's Brigade is moved back, leaving a line of skirmishers. While this demonstration was going on, Hoke's Brigade had gallantly charged Fort Sanderson from Welch's creek swamp, and supported by artillery, a fierce fig-ht had raged, the enemy opposing a spirited resistance. Our infantry again and again charged the fort, the enemy hurling at them hand grenades, while the strong stockade, deep ditch and' high parapet prevented our men from scaling it. During one of these charges, the intrepid Colonel Mercer, command- ing Hoke's Brigade, fell mortally wounded at the head of his command. Also Captain Macon, of the Forty-third North Carolina, was killed and twenty or more of the brigade. Finally the infantry having entirely suiTounded the fort, the artillery was advanced to within 200 yards, when a sur- render was made. Captain Chapin, of the Eighty-fifth New York, commanding this fort, was also killed. This was deemed an important position, where the artillery could be concentrated and an assault made on the town, if the gun- boats could be driven off by our iron-clad Albemarle. A contemporary letter to the Raleigh Confederate makes this statement as to the cause of the delay in her arrival: 'Tt was intended that she should go down, engage the enemy's g-unboats and pass below on Sunday night. With that pur- The Capture of Plymouth. 181 pose she left Hamilton on Sunday at 3 o'clock, and took on her deck enough iron to tack on imperfectly on the way down. Twenty sailors overtook her on the Cora below Hamilton, in- creasing her crew to fifty; but her machinery became dam- aged on the way — her rudder head twisted off. This de- layed her twelve hours, and she only reached Gray's Land- ing at 8 p. m. on Monday. The Yankee steamer Wliitehead •was at the mouth of the thoroughfare when the Albemarle passed, and immediately steamed into the Cashie and to Ply- mouth, and reported her coming. Cooke's passage was slow, to avoid obstructions and torpe- does. Having passed them safely, he steamed past Plymouth and without answering the shots from the forts, made for the Miatni (Flusser's), and the South field (French's) Yankee boats. They had been chained together that they might get Cook betAveen and press him back upon a river flat. He avoided the trap and ran into the SoiithfieJd, his prow was so sharp and his momentum so gTc-at that he rail ten or twelve feet into her, sinking her instantly. The whole weight of the sinking boat rested on his bow, depressing it so that water poured into the forward ports. The Souihfield had deliv- ered her broadside of eiglit guns, making not the least impres- sion, as this was on the bow which had been finished. The current swept his stern around and disengaged him from the wreck. ]\Ieantime Flusser seeing his companion wrecked, loosed the chains and steamed to Cooke's stern, gave him a broadside of six 100-pound rifie gims at a few feet distance, upon the iron that !iad been imperfectly l)olted, and dam- aged this iron in three places." An account in the Richmond Examiner, writtten on 24 April, 18G4, says: "The Miami fled, but not nntil she was seriously punished, her commander (Flusser) and inany of lier crew being killed. Eighty of the BovfJificId's crew were said to have been killed." Commander James ^\^ Cooke was an accomplished officer, who had entered tlie United States Xavy from Xortli Caro- lina in 1828. The noise of the guns betvx'een 2 and 3 a. m. on Tuesday morning had informed us of Cooke's arrival, and we were glad to hear of his success in relieving us from further an- 182 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. noyaiice from the gunboats. This morning General Ransom is ordered to take the Twentj-fourth and Fifty-sixth Regi- ments to the riglit of the Lee's Mill road, and make a demon- stration against the enemy's works from that quarter. The other three regiments of his brigade, with Branch's artillery^ are held by General Hoke to su]^port an attack, if after thorough reconnoissance, he shall detennine to make an as- sault with Hoke's and Kemper's Brigades from the direction of Fort Sanderson, captured the night before. Heavy firing between the artillery is kept up with an occasional shot from the ram Albemarle now below the town, and also the guns from Fort Sanderson are turned against the enemy, and the skirmishers are pushed close to the works at various points. After this reconnoissance. General Hoke determined not to make this attack, and the three regiments and Branch's artil- lery are sent to rejoin General Ransom; and the Virginia brigade, except a small portion left near Warren's jSTeck, is brought around to the south of the town. This brigade had by its sharpshooters, prevented the enemy from working the guns at the fort wp the river, either upon the ram Albemarle or upon our forces to the left of the town. Ransom's Bri- gade is ordered in the afternoon to cross Conaby creek to the east, and make a detour of four or five miles around to- the Columbia road. Colonel Bearing, with some cavalry and artillery, comes up, and is allowed to pass the brigade in the road. That intuitive perception, Avith wliich tlie private sol- diers could often foretell the intent with Avliicli a move is made, now comes into play, and through the brigade the feel- ing becomes universal that it has been determined to make the final assault from the east side of the town, and that Ran- som's Brigade would be required to perform this duty. Laughing and joking almost cease, and a grim determination to do all that could he expected seems to pervade the ranks. Although marching at will, there is no straggling, and tlie companies close up and each soldier is glad to feel the touch of a comrade's elbow. A screen of woods hides the move- ment from the enemy. About sunset the column strikes the Columbia road and now turns west towards Plvmouth. The Capture of Plymouth. 183 After dark we reach Conaby creek, about a mile or more from the town, and the skirmishers thrown fonvard find the enemy in strong position on the opposite side, and the bridge destroyed. Three pieces of artillery under Captain Blount are advanced to within 300 yards, and the enemy soon dis- lodged. Our sharpshooters again advance and the enemy reappear. Some gallant member of the Twenty-fourth plunges into the creek, swims across and brings back a skiff and a party soon crosses in it. The pontoons w^hich are in charge of Lieutenant-Colonel S. D. Pool, of the Tenth, are hurried to the front, placed in the creek, and three or four companies pass over and are deployed as skirmishers and drive the enemy back. The pontoons are then swung around, and a bridge rapidly constructed on which the infantry pass over, and are formed into line about a mile from the enemy's forts on the (Colum- bia) road, the right flank resting on the Roanoke and the left extending beyond the road in the following order: Pifty- sixth, Colonel Faison, on the extreme right ; then the Twenty- fifth, Colonel Rutledge; Eighth, Colonel Murchison ; Thirty- fifth, Colonel Jones, and then the Twenty-fourth, Colonel Clarke, successively to the left. It is now near midnight^ as we had thrown up a slight breastwork, and the men lie down to sleep on the bare ground, covered with their blankets in groups of two or three for warmth, as the air is sharp and piercing, so as to get soane rest for the morrow and the terri- ble work ahead. The enemy keep up a shelling through the night, but without much effect. Our gunboat, Albemarle^ now on the right of our line, exchanges shots with the 200- pound gun at the upper end of the town. The night was perfectly calm and cloudless, with a full moon lending beauty to the scene and the skirmishing is at times sharp and ter- rific, but the enemy are kept off at some distance froin our line. Just as the moon is going down (and day breaking) the troops are aroused and the line of battle formed, and the signal rocket gives notice to General Hoke, who is with his Brigade near Boyle's Mill, on the west side of the town, that Ransoin is ready to advance. The skirmishers under the gallant Captain Cicero Durham, the fighting quartermaster 184 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. of the Fortv-ninTli, now on Ransom's staff, drove those of the enemy before them. Tlie infantry now moA^e forward, and the artillery, consisting of Blount's, Pegram's, Marshall's and Lee's batteries, under Colonel Branch, dash forward on the left at a full gallop and o^^en upon the town and the forts ahead on both sides of the Columbia road. The enemy has brought to bear both siege and field guns, and concentrated a terrible fire in the face of our assaulting column. Just at this time General Hoke opens with his ar- tillery under Majors Moseley and Reid a rapid fire, and his infantry sent up yell after yell as if about to charge. The Virginia Brigade on the south is also obeying the command to "shout,'' and several of that brigade are killed and wounded by the enemy slijelliiig; them from Fort Williams. As our artillery is kept soiiiewhat in rear of the advancing line, the enemy fire over the heads of Ransom's Brigade at first, but so Reg. N.C.S.T. Affer Or'ginal by Solon E. All is, Zl^Reg. Mass.V.Milifla , Ocfobe^r, 1665. And Comrmnfs of W. M. Bateman, Superior Court Clzrk. , I90t. SCALE OF FEET. 0 500 1000 1500 2000 -^^ AStoft *" - ON*. ^Sliisr^ The Capture of Plymouth. 185 and liouse, from the windows of wliich and from behind the fences they poured an incessant fire. But nothing could check our progress, and witliin an hour they were driven into Fort Williams, or into the entrenched camp at the west of the town. The fort was on our left, and the camp in front. In a few minutes the Fifty-sixth came up on our right hx an- other street, and by their arrival decided the contest, for im- mediately on the appearance of this additional force, the en- emy threw down their arms and raised the white flag. Cap- tain Locldiart, of the Fifty-sixth, ran in to receive the sur- render and instantly both regiments poured into the camp." This sho^\-s beyond question that the Twenty-fourth Kegi- ment, when it reached the town, kept its right on Second street and passed through the town to the west end, keeping between Second and Third, or on Third street, as nothing could pass up Second street, OA\ing to the rapid fire kept up by the battery at the west end. ' In the account given by ]\Ir. Ludwig of the part taken by the Eighth Regiment on page -tOO of Vol 1, it is stated: "At earlv dawn on the morning of the 20th the signal rockets went up, and the order came to advance. In the meantime a bat- tery of artillery took position in front (on the left) of the Eighth Eegiment and opened a rapid fire on the fort in our front. The regiment, in fact the whole lu'igade, as ordered moved oft" in common time. Xot a rifle was fired, not a word spoken. The artillery was doing its full duty in keep- ing the enemy's infantry quiet. When the regiment had advanced to within al:)0ut 150 yards of the fort, the order to charge was given. The ''yell" was raised, and the regiment rushed forward to mount the fort. Just at the moment the "veil" was raised, the enemy's infantry poured a destructive fire into the ranks of the regiment. Our artillery ceased firing as the regiment approached near the fort. The men rushed on, leaped into the ditch and attempted to scale the fort. While the men were attempting to climb over the out- side of the fort, the enemy threw hand grenades into the ditch. Those who were in the ditch had to get out of it. The regiment then swung around to the right, and attempted to break through the palisades <.n that side of the fort. The 186 North Carolina Troops, 1S61-'65. palisades had loop holes through which the enemy fired on our line. At this puint many of the men were shot through the head. The regiment rushed up to the palisades, and as the enemy pulled their guns out our men put theirs in and fired at tho.se on the inside. Such deadly work could not last long. The Eighth Eegiment swung a little further around to the gate leading to tlie rear of the fort. The gate was burst open. The regiment rushed in and the fort surren- dered. "Three cheers for North Carolina" were given by the regiment, thus announcing that the assault had l^een suc- cessful." The question naturally arises, what fort was this? As will be hereafter stated, the capture of "Fort Comfort" on the right of the road was conceded by General Ransom to the Thirty-fifth. Where the advance of the brigade began, the Columbia road does not run parallel to the river, but obliquely to the right. The Twenty-fourth kept on both sides of the road; the command given to the brigade had been "Guide center." There is a pressure to the left by the Thirty-fifth to avoid the branch, canal and the SAvamp which the Twenty- fifth and Fifty-sixth had to cross, and in this pressure the Twenty-fourth passes ahead, and leaves the left flank of the Eighth exposed to an enfilade fire from the left, and the regi- ment naturally swings around in that direction to meet the gi-eatest danger and injury to them. This brings them around towards the fort south of Charles Latham's liouse, less than three hundred yards from Fort Comfort, and called "Conaby Redoul)^;' ^^■hich was opposite or near the head of Third street, and thus carried the Eighth Regiment to the extreme left of the brigade, as stated in the contemporaneons account given by "Lone Star," and on the direct conrse to Fort, Wil- liams; and Conaby Redoubt answers exactly the description of the Fort wath palisades, which Mr. Ludwig says the Eighth Reg-iment attacked and carried, and its capture is claimed by no other regiment and would he otherwise unac- counted fr)r. The graphic history of Mr. Ludwig continues: "But a strong fort (Fort Williams) remained in possession of the enemy. The Eighth Regiment formed and attempted to The Capture of Plymouth. 187 storm that. The men charged np to the edge of the siir- rounding ditch, only to find that it could not be crossed. There was but one of two courses to t^ke, to-wit : either to fall back or to surrender. The regiment chose the former. When the retreat began, the enemy poured a fearful volley into the ranks, killing and wounding many of the men. This charge was reckless and unnecessary. It was made under the flush of victory, and not by order of the commanding general. The fort being surrounded, would have had to surrender any way, as it did a few hours aftersvards." In the Tayetteville Observer of 9 May, 1864, it is said: We have received a communication from an oflicer of the Thirty-fifth Xorth Carolina Troops complaining that the Richmond papers have given to others the credit due to that regiment. He says "Ransom's brigade charged the Yankee fortifications, and our regiment (Thirty-fifth) took the first fort, the key to the position. Its Colonel, J. G. Jones, of Per- son County, was the first to mount the fortifications and in honor of him and his regiment, General Ransom changed the name from Fort C<>mfort to Fort Jones. To Colonel Jones the Yankee commander of that fort surrendered, and a detail of that regiment took charge of the first prisoners captured (on that day) at Plymouth, and conducted them to the rear. Our three centre companies covered the front of the fort, and our rigbt and left wings completely surroun;led it. Our dead were around the fort, and the dead of no other regiment." I regret that I have no fuller account of the operations of this regiment, whose noble Colonel, in less than two months af- terwards, on the night of IT June, 186-i, yielded his life in a heroic and successful charge at Petersburg made by Ran- som's Brigade to recapture works lost by another command. Before the capture of Fort Comfort has been completed by the Thirty-fifth, and the works in their immediate front car- ried by the Twenty-fourth, the Eighth Regiment is found doing equally effective work to the left of both of them, as shown above. The Twenty-fifth Regiment after getting through the swamp, finding the Fifty-sixth across its course, obliqued to onr right, and proceeded up Water street and be- tween that and the river, and assisted in the capture of the 188 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. intrenched cam]) beyond Fort Worth at the northwest corner of the town. Company I, of the Fifty-sixth, under Captain Harrill, was sent in advance of the regiment with orders to keep along the river, and was thus the first company to enter the town, and aljoiit sunrise captured twenty artillerists, who were serving the 200-pound gun intended for the Albemarle, which was proceeding up the river with our line and secured Captain Cooke from further opposition of any moment. A cotem]3oraneous account of the operations of the Fifty- sixth, dated 1 May, 1864, was written by Major Jno. W. Graham signed "Tar Heel," and at the special request of Captain Frank X. Roberts, who sent it to the Fayetteville Observer, and this has been elaborated from his war journal and researches by its historian. Captain E. D. Graham. Out of somewhat voluminous data, what is here stated must be condensed to come within the proper limits. Fortunately we had no forts to encounter directly in our front, but there were other obstacles nearly as fonnidable. First, a large herd of cattle, which we drive to a deep canal in our front, when with wild snorts of terror, they turn and break through our line of battle. Into this ditch more than six feet deep, we have to go and climb out on the other side and ag-ain form our line. The next obstacle is a terrible swamp of untried and therefore unknown bottom, through which we flounder, many ^vet to the waist, and some all over, from falling down. Getting through the swamp our line is quickly formed again, but here we receive an oblique fire from our left, and under a heavy shower of "niinies" go up a hill and drive an opposing regiment from the shelter of houses and palings on the eastern end of the town, between Water and Second streets. Here the Twenty-fifth comes up and enters the town on our right. We have several killed and \vounded, and among the killed, Jas. W. Hall, of Company D. A part of the Fifty-sixth enter on Second street and pro- ceed as far as Madison street ; but Major Graham appre^ hending that this (Second) street would be swept by artil- lery, as we have reached an open square, throws the regiment forward into line with the left resting on Second street, and The Capture of Plymouth. 189 the right extending- over to Water street, which the other part has entered under Colonel Faison. Lieutenant-Colonel Luke has been gallantly leading the extreme right. Second street is now swept by a ten^ific fire from the guns at the western end. The advance is steadily continued, but bullets seem to come from every direction, both from houses and excavations in the ground. Our line pushes down fences, jerks oft palings and presses forward, passing Adams, Wash- ington and Jefferson streets. On this last we get a cross fire from Fort Williams which is especially severe. Lieutenants Palmer, Holton and Thornton have fallen wounded, and many of the men. We next reach Monroe street and in ad- vance of any other regiment on either side. Here Company B, under Captain Roberts, with Colonel Faison, keep to the right of the swamp beginning at this point, as heretofore described. They thus become detached and aid in the capture of Fort Worth and the intrenched camp, at the west end of Water street, which makes a liot fight kept up until about 10 a. m., when Colonel Bearing reaches this point with one of his guns, and its capture is ef- fected. Company I, under Captain Harrell has, as already stated, captured the artillerists around the big gim, and also strikes the entrenchments just north of the marsh, and secures the surrender of prisoners at that point, and the most efi^ec- tive service during the rest of the battle is to hold them securely — the intervening hill and swamp separating them from Ijoth contending forces who are continuing the contest. The other eight companies of the regiment keep to the left of the swamp, nnder !^^ajor Graham, and capture the batteiy of artillery which has been raking Second street. As we now pass from beyond the cover of the houses, the Yankees are pouring a hot fire into us from the intrenched camp ou the western breastworks between Second and Third streets, somewhat to our left, and we find the Twenty-fourth engaged with them in front. As we are about to charge, the Avhite flag goes up, and the surrender is made to Major Gra- ham, who directs Captain Lockhart, of Company E, to take charge of the prisoners. The flag of the Fifty-sixth is handed to Major Graham on the breastworks and waved bv him to 190 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Hoke's Brigade, on the west of the town, which had been aAvaiting our progress, more than 600 yards distant, as the works were too strong to be carried from the west side. Pass- ing over another ravine, we receive the last prisoners on that side of the town. Hoke's Brigade under Colonel W. G. Lewis, of the Forty-third i^orth Carolina, now comes up, and it is a relief when he suggests that no further charging is necessary, as in the opinion of himself and General Hoke the surrender of Fort "W^illiams can be compelled by artillery. The town was now entirely ours, except this last strong fort on the south, and its surrender was demanded and refused. Sharpshooters occupy all advantageous positions in houses and other points to keep the enemy from serving their guns, and our artillery fire is concentrated on the doomed fort and a shell from the Albemarle explodes upon it. General Wes- sels has made a gallant fight, but as "the stars in their courses fought against Sisera," the converging batteries and mus- ketry now jDrevent him from firing a gun. General Hoke informs him that, if he provokes a useless sacrifice of life in requiring an assault, not a man in the garrison will be spared, and between 11 and 12 o'clock a. m., the flag comes down on Fort Williams and success crowns our struggle. All fighting is now over, except the pursuit of some Yankees and negroes who escaped from the fort at the left of Fort Wil- liams, and some Buffaloes who had crossed the river, many of whom Avere captured. General Wessels' oflftcial returns of casualties with the loss of Plymouth, was a total in killed, wounded and missing (not distinguished by him) of 127 officers and 2,707 men. Our losses were understood to be 125 killed and between 400 and 500 wounded in the brigade and artillery altogether, though I have seen no official returns, being greatest in the Eighth North Carolina, as it is stated by Mr. Ludwig: "The regiment lost one hundred and fifty-four men killed and wounded, about one-third of its number." In the Thirty- fifth twenty were killed and 84 wounded, including Major S. B. Taylor. The losses in other regiments are supposed to be stated in their separate history, as I know is the case in that of the Fiftv-sixth. In this regiment the colors were The Capture of Plymouth. 191 borne by Ensign Jas. M. Clark, of Orange County, whose stalwart figure was conspicuous at every step, and he never swerved from any point to which he was directed. He came through with a rent banner, but untouched himself, though his color guard suffered a loss of one-third, as shown in the history of the regiment. It will be interesting to survivors to here record the regu- lar order of succession from left to right in which the ten companies of the Fifty-sixth stood in line of battle. It was C, K, G, F, H, D (colors), A, E, I and B. The action of the two right companies under their captains have been given above. The other eight going through to the end of the battle with the Hag, l^eginning with E, were led respectively by Captain Joseph G. Lockhart, Captain Xoah H. Hughes, Captain Robert D. Graham, Captain Wm. G. Graves, Lieu- tenant Valentine J. Palmer, Lieutenant Otis P. Mills, Cap- tain Frank R. Alexander, and Captain Alexander P. White. When Lieutenant Palmer fell in the charge wounded as the regiment passed the jail, Company F pressed steadily for- ward with Lieutenant John R. Williams in command. All these officers and their men without an exception, displayed a coolness, discipline and courage that any commander might be proud to witness. I would be glad to mention by name officers and men of other conuuands, reported as conspicuous for bravery, but where all so well did the work assigned, I have deemed it best to narrate the main facts as I have col- lected them, and not attempt details of individual prowess or give names except of those directing some separate move- ment, and of those under my immediate command, from whom I could not withhold the meed of praise to which they are justly entitled. But I do not wish to seem to ignore the splendid work done hy Hoke's Brigade or the Virginia Bri- gade under Colonel Terry. An officer in the line, will of course be unable to do more than observe the part taken by his own regiment or one im- mediately adjoining, and has little opportunity of gaining correct information, except in a general way, of the opera- tions of other commands at distant points. A correspondent of the Richmond Examiner of 24 April, 192 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. ■^igiKd "Tt,'' savs : "'The result ct tlii^ uiost 'n'illianr suc- cess Avas the capture of some 2,500 prisoners, 28 pieces of ar- tillery, heavy and light, some 500 horses, 5,000 stands of small arms, TOO harrels of flour, with other commissary and quartermaster supplies, immense ordnance stores, and the strong position of Plymouth, which protects the whole Roan- oke Valley, and furnishes a base for our iron-clad to drive out from Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds, the large fleet of the enemy's gunboats, and open a large and rich counti*y from which we can obtain supplies. General Hoke, who com- manded the expedition, though only 27 years of age, may well rank with our ablest division commanders in the service. He has wonderful tact, force, activity and an endurance that despises fatigue ; handles troops with great ease and celerity, and has their unbounded confidence. Ransom's charge has not been surpassed at any time : his military genius coniprehended the situation, and he was master of it ; he determined on the charge, knowing what dash and pluck could accomplish, when satisfied as to the proper point of attack. Colonel Dearing, of the cavalry, not ojily handled his own connnand with great success, but in the charge of ar- tillery and infantry at Port Warren, and both on the right and left with Ransom and Hoke, and on Wednesday morn- ing in Ransom's charge, his services were invaluable." Tn the message of Governor Vance to the General Assem- bly of North Carolina 17 May, 1864, he says: "In addition to the manv brilliant victories, which have crowned our arins this spring in all parts of the Confederacy, I have the sincere pleasure to congratulate you upon the splendid success of the opening of the campaigii in our State, resulting in the recapture of the towns of Washington and Plymouth, and the rescue of a considerable portion of our territory from the en- emy. This is the more gratifying because it was accomplish- ed by troops under the command of two distinguished sons of North Carolina — Brigadier, now ]\rajor-General, Hoke, commanding the land forces, and Commander Cooke, with the steam ram Albemarle. I doubt not you will see .the propri- ety of rendering suitable thanks to these gallant officers, and the brave officers and men under their command, for the con- The Capture of Plymouth. 193 spieiions heroism which has been rewarded by such splendid results." How the result was viewed at headquarters is shown by the telegram sent by President Davis : "Brigadier-General Hoke: In the name of the Confeder- acy, I thank you for your success. You are a ]\Iajor-Gen- eral from the date of the capture of Plymouth." CASUALTIES AT PLYMOUTH. Twentij-fiftli Notih Cavolina : The killed reported at the time were: In Company A, Jos. L. Edney and W. W. Owenby ; in Company B, W. B. Grant ; in Company H, J. M. Cartland; and in Company K, G. W. Black. Its wounded were 20. Tirenty -fourth Noiili Carolina. Lieutenant Wilkins was killed, and five men wounded on the night of IS April. In the same regiment 20 April, the killed were: J. W. Puck- ett, of Company B ; E. K. Hocutt, of Company C ; A. J. Young and K. B. Taylor, of Company E ; Jos. Mangum, of Company H; Joshua Canady, of Company I; and J. F. Baker, of Company K ; Lieutenants E. S. Sanders and T. T. Lee, of Company E, and Ca])tain W. J. Squiggins, of Com- pany D, and 84 men wounded. Thirty- fifth North Carolina. The killed reported were: Robert W. BroAvn, of Company A ; Corporal W. H. Council, of Company I) ; Lieutenant J. X. Loy, Sergeants H. W. Oakley and J. J. Yarborough, and T. S. Drake, T. R. Gen- try and \. Evans, of Company E ; Sergeant John Dulin, J. E. Harris and John Xoles, of Com])any H; and Sergeant T. W. Conley, J. AV. Abernathy, D. Denton, D. Moore, J. C. Whisenhundt and P. S. Whitener were killed, and Lieutenant D. P. Glass mortally wounded in Company K. Major S. B. Taylor and 84- men were vrounded. Eighth North Carolina. The killed were: H. C. Stoke- ly, of Company A ; George W. Graves, of Company B ; W. J. Baker, of Company C ; B. F. Patterson, of Company D ; Lieutenant D. A. Patterson and John Coddle, of Company E; Lieutenant L. D. Lauirley and Sergeant J. J. Tunnage, of 13 194 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Company G; First Sergeant J. A. Barringer and J. C. Klutts, W. M. Sides, ]Srelson Barringer, Moses Dvy, J. C. Linebei'gcr, E. J. Patterson and J. E. Barringer, J. J. Ketchey, John Raney, J. S. Murph, and Wiley S. Seaford. Lieutenants A. II. Gregory, D. W. Weaver, S. J. Thornton, James K. McKethan and P. J. Miller, and Ensign Frank Perkins, and 101 others were wounded. Sixth North Carolina. The killed were: John McDan- iel, of Company C ; Harvey Hanna and Joshua Johnson, of Company H; John W. Faucett, of Company F ; Henry Capps of Company K, mortally, and Lieutenant W. S. Clinton and 29 others severely wounded. Tivcnty-first North Carolina. The killed were : Sergeant F. C. Clinard, of Company A ; J. W. Hodges and A. F. Pat- terson, of Company C ; Corporal J. F. Beek and Chas. K. Kallum, of Company D ; Wm. Hancock and Cal. Edwards, of Company F; Captain J. O. Blackburn, of Company G; D. A. Pay, of Company H; S. W. Dick, of Company I; B. F. Loinhack and Jos. Long, of Company K ; Corporal J. G. Wilkinson, of Company L ; and M. M. Wright, George Wy- rick and Wm. Pichardson, of Company M. The wounded were 35 and one missing. F orty-tliird North Carolina. The killed were: P. B. Mclv orkle, of Company B ; Stephen Penf ree, of Company C ; Captain H. A. Macon, of Company F, and Lewis Duke, of Company G. There were 13 wounded, including Lieutenant H. Brown and Sergeant T. H. Bobbitt. It is to be regretted that a full list of casualties in the gallant Twenty-first Geor- gia Pegiment, forming with the above named, Hoke's Bri- gade, was not given to the T^orth Carolina papers. It is noted that the list of wounded at Plymouth and received at the hospital in Wilson, jST. C, including the following from the Twenty-first Georgia: D. Dyal, J. F. Cook, W. M. Hensly, F.' M. Pawls,"w. B. Phillips, L. W. Jones, L. A. Hudgins, P. Marshall, J. C. Booles, J. B. Peid, J. T. Wil- liams, John Dempsey, L. B. Davis, B. F. Gross, and G. L. Fennell. At the same hospital there were from the Seventh Vir- ginia Pegiment Heniw Bowen, and from the Twenty-fourth The Capture of Plymouth. 195 Virginia W. D. Mountcastle, H. A. Mills, James Thomason, G. H. Rut ledge and J. P. Wyson. From Bradford's Mississippi Battery, Corporal T. L. Rns- sell. John W. Graham. HiLLSBORO, N. C, 20 April, 1901. SECOND COLD HARBOR. By BRIGADIER-GENERAL THOMAS L. CLINGMAN. x\bout 2 o'clock in the morning of 3lMay, 1864, while lying in the trenches at Bermiida Hundreds, I received an order to move to join General Lee's army^ directing, however, one regiment of my brigade to hold temporarily the line I was leaving. I at once moved to the railroad station with the Eighth, Thirty-first and Fifty-first Regiments, !N^orth Caro- lina Troops, the Sixty-first being left in position. A little after daylight, at the railroad station, the brigade of Hoke's Division which was to have moved first, not being there, I was ordered to take the lead. I arrived in Richmond soon after sunrise ; on calling to see General Bragg, was directed by him to take the railroad to Atlee's Station, and report to General Lee — then having his headquarters there. Two miles short of that place I met Colonel Crawley, Gen- eral Lee's Quartermaster, who delivered to me an autograph letter from General Lee, directing me to proceed by Mechan- icsville and Gaines' Mill to Old Cold Harbor, and there sup- port Major-General Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry, and also direct- ing me to communicate this order to any other portion of Major-General Hoke's Division. After I had passed two or more miles beyond Mechanicsville, I received an order from Major-General Hoke directing me to await further orders at that place. After remaining there about three hours, I re- ceived a second order from General Hoke to move on to Cold Harbor. On arriving there, I found General Hoke, who directed me to take a position on the left of that occupied by the main body of the cavalry. The Thirty-first Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Knight, was placed on my right : the Eighth, under Lieutenant-Colonel Murchison, in the center, and the Eifty-first under Colonel McKethan, on the left. Soon after, Major-General Hoke ordered that the 198 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'6o. Fifty-first should move forward and to the left about four or ■five hundred yards, to support a portion of the cavalry who were acting as infantry, and engaged with the enemy. I therefore carried forward this regiment and placed it in posi- tion, and as this was the most exposed and dangerous part of my line, I remained with it. We, though subjected to a heavy fire both of artillery and musketry, sustained little loss. After we had been engaged for some time, the cavalry on my left gave way, and the enemy's advance then enabled them to annoy us a good deal by their fire on the left flank of our position where I was stationed. Two companies de- tached from the Fifty-first to the left, owing to the miscon- duct of their commander, Captain - — . • — . , failed to drive back the enemy there. Though he was three times or- dered to open on them, yet he failed to do so, but kept his men lying down in the road about one hundred and fifty yards on my left. A half hour, or perhaps an hour later, the cavalry on my right all gave way, and passed to the rear in squads, alleging that their ammunition had given out. Seeing the enemy would soon pass me on both sides, I ordered Colonel Mc- Kethan, after a few minutes, to fall back to the fence, a feW hundred yards to the rear, and sent one of my couriers to the otlier two regiments, who were only a hundred yards in ad- vance of the fence, to occupy the same line. As I was retir- ing to point out the several positions each regiment was to occupy, a ]xjrtion of a shell took away the front of my hat and slightly wounded my forehead. Though somewhat stunned for an instant, I was not disabled at all, but observ- ing that all the cavalry in reserve on my right had likewise retired, as my several regiments came back, they were placed in position on the other side of the field to the rear of the place I had intended them to occupy. A few of my command were captured by that portion of the enemy who came between the Fifty-first and Eighth Regiments. Our loss in all was less than one hundred. My Adjutant-Gen- eral, Captain Edward White, was severely wounded by a shell while in line with the Eighth Regiment where I had left him when I moved forward. We held this position Second Cold Harbor. 199 during the night, having been reinforced by the arrival, about dark, of the Sixty-first Regiment of my brigade, un- der Colonel J. D. Radcliffe, and also by General Colquitt's Brigade, which took position on my right. At daylight in the morning of 1 June, 1864, to obtain a better line, my left was drawn back about two hundred yards, and took a position selected by General Hoke, while the right of my brigade united with General Colquitt's. My left rested at the bank of a branch. Soon after sunrise. General Kershaw's Brigade took position on the hill on my left, but with an interval of about seventy-five yards between their right and my left. I rode over and expressed to the officer in command of the nearest regiment, a wish that he would extend his right to the branch, so as to unite with my com- mand, but he declined to do so. I was about to extend my line across the branch, though contrary to the orders I had received, but soon after was informed by Major-General Hoke that this was unnecessary, as General Hagood's Brigade would be stationed in front of my left and cover this inter- val. About 9 o'clock General Hagood's Brigade did take position about one hundred and fifty yards in front of my line, so that his right regiment was in front of the left regi- ment of my brigade, while the rest of his command was in front of General Kershaw's position. The Sixty-first Regiment occupied the right of my line, next it was the Thirty-first, then the Fifty-first, and my left was held by the Eighth Regiment. The men all went vigor- ously to work and with their hands and bayonets had made with rails each a pretty good entrenchment as against mus- ketry by midday. After 1 o'clock I passed along the line of General Hagood's Brigade in my front to be assured that they were still in the position in which they had been placed in the morning. About 3 o'clock, however, this brigade, in obedience to Major-General Hoke's orders, was moved away to the right without my knowledge. General Hagood subse- quently told me that he notified General Kershaw of his movement, but he gave me no notice. Had I not felt sure of his still being there, I should have sent companies of my com- mand across the branch on my left, and might thus have pre- 200 North CarolixNa Troops, 1861-65. vented most of the loss subsequently sustained. Shortly after 3 o'clock the enemv opened heavily with their artillery on us, and after an interval of perhaps three-quarters of an hour, their infantry advanced. Just as they were getting within good range, there was a heavy discharge of musketry from Kershaw's Brigade on my left, and then a cessation of firing in that quarter. I then supposed that the enemy had only made a feint in that direction, whereas, in fact. as I have subsequently learned, this brigade fled precipitately from the field after discharging their muskets.* Believing that tlie point of greatest danger was on my left owing to the cover which the thick woods there afi'orded the enemy in their advance, I took my position in the line near the left of the Fifty-first Regiment. A^^ien the enemy were first seen ad- vancing through the trees at a distance of nearly one hundred and fifty yards, supjiosing they were a portion of General Ha- good's Brigade, which was falling back, I ordered my men not to fire. As soon as their true character was ascertained, we opened on them. They were then in line of battle and about one hundred yards distant. Though the places of those in front were for a time supplied by fresh troops, they ulti- mately gave way and Avere driven back out of sight. I or- dered my men t(T stop firing to allow the smoke to be dissi- pated. Tmmediarely in my front for seventy or eighty yards the groimd slightly descended, then rose up into the slope of the liill. But a lirtle to the left where the branch came down the raA^ne was continuous. Along this de])ression a large column of the enemy following their lines of battle advanced Avithout being observed by us. As soon as they Avere draAvn in the bottom they changed their route somcAvhat, inclining toAvards our right. They Avere in this manner brought up directly in front of the left of the Fifty-first AA'here I Avas standing. After I had ordered the firing to cease and the smoke had partially been dissipated, I directed there should be no firing until the enemy should be seen again. As the hill Avhere the enemv's line of battle had been, in * Keitt's "big regiment" broke first and Colonel Keitt was killed while trying to rally them. — Ed. Second Cold Harbor. 201 o^l^ front, was much elevated above us, we did not from our position behind our hastily made earthworks, observe the low ground in front and to the left. On my repeating the order tc- look out for the approach of the enemy, Captain Fred. R. Blake, of my staff, who was just by my side on the right, elevated himself so as to overlook the heads of our men, who after loading their guns, were in a stooping position, sud- denly exclaimed: "'Here they are, as thick as they can be!" Kising immediately as he had done, I saw there was within eight or ten paces of us, a heavy column of the enemy. They showed probably about thirty men in front and were closed in mass very compactly. They had an apparently new blue uniform, and were marching at a quick-step. Prisoners sub- se(piently taken stated that they were fresh troops that had been in garrison and had not previously been engaged, and had expressed great confidence that they would march into Richmond. It was also stated that they had orders not to fire a gun or to cheer until they had carried our works. From the fact that the column displayed four flags, I took it to consist of four regiments. The instant I saw them, as my men had been firing at objects elevated on the hill, I was ap- prehensive that they might fire too high, I therefore in a loud voice, said: "Aim low and aim well!" As I did this a tall and uncommonly fine looking oflficer in the front rank of the enemy's column, hearing the order and looking me directly in tlie face, though he changed countenance for a moment, took off his cap and waving it al:)0ut his head, cheered his men in words which I could not catch. Just as he had jdaced his hat back on his head, and before he had time to lower his hand again to his side, a soldier immedi- ately on my right discharged his musket and the liall entered the u])per part of his forehead, and he fell backAvard stagger- ing the two men behind him. The discharge from my line at once knocked down the front ranks of the column, while the oblique fire along the right and left cut down the men rapidly all along the column towards the rear. In a few moments the whole column either acting under orders, or from panic, lay down. Xothing could have been more unfortunate for them. While they 202 North Carolina Troops, i861-'65. thus lay there, the men of niv command continued to reload and discharge their pieces into the thick, dark mass. The officers fired their repeaters, while such as had none occa- sionally borrowed muskets from privates and discharged them at particular individuals. As the survivors lay still to avoid attracting particular attention, it was soon impossible to dis- ting-uish the living from the dead. After some fifteen or twenty rounds had been fired into the prostrate mass, I directed the firing to cease. Upon this occurring, a portion of the column, not I think, more than one-tenth, arose and fled to the rear ; many of these, however, were shot down as they attempted to escape. On the right of my line, ^^'here the Sixty-first Regiment was stationed, the enemy made a vigorous attack in line of battle, but as the ground was more open, they were not able to ai^i^roach nearer than either eighty or one hundred yards, but left large numbers of dead on that part of the field. Un- der cover of thick undergrowth they approached somewhat nearer the Thirty-first but were repulsed with much slaughter. After the enemy had thus been driven entirely away, the men cheered all along our lines. Before the smoke had been en- tirely dissi]:)ated, however, there was a sudden attack on my left, under the following circumstances : When General 's Brigade on my left abandoned the field, in the beginning of the engagement, a large force of the enemy passed quietly to llie rear of my left. This they did without observation on account of the thickness of the woods there. We had been too constantly engaged to have time to ascer- tain that the troops on our left had, more than an hour pre- vious, left the field. The enemy had full time, therefore, to make their arrangements to attack us both on the left flank and in our rear. Favored by the thick bushes and smoke, they had gotten within fifty yards of the rear and left of the Eighth Regiment, and suddenly, just as our men had ceased to cheer, they opened on them a heavy fire at short range against their backs and from the left simultaneously. Though under these circumstances surprised, the men of the Eighth faced about, and. with the left of the Fifty-first, en- deavored to keep up the contest. The odds in such a strug- Second Cold Harbor. 203 gle were too great, and our men fell so fast that, seeing it impossible for them longer to maintain the contest there, I directed Lieutenant-Colonel Murchison, who, though flushed and excited by such a disaster, showed the greatest self-pos- session and courage, to withdraw the survivors so as to form a new line of battle perpendicular to the first one, extending from the right of the Fifty-first to our rear. In this posi- tion the survivors of the Eighth and Fifty-first held their ground for some time against the greatly superior forces of the enemy. I then ordered the Thirty-first to file out of the intrenchment and form with theiu. With this force we charged the enemy, and drove them back so as to enable us to reoccuj)y our original line for a few moments only; because the enemy being posted along the branch, and also on the hill, rendered it impossible for my small force to resist them, and it Avas again driven back. While I was endeavoring to reform the line, Captain Henderson, of the Eighth, said to me, "Colonel Murchison is dead." I replied, "I hope not, for I spoke to him but a few minutes since." In fact, as I soon learned, just as he had gotten back into the trench, which he had with his regiment occupied during the day, he re- ceived a ball in the head which terminated his life. Finding that no enemy was immediately in our front then, but only a heavy artillery fire kept up, I ordered Colonel Radcliffe to file his regiment out of the trenches so as to aid us in the next attack. As I afterwards learned, he himself, with the larger part of his command, did not obey this order and stayed in the trench. Being busied with forming the line under the heavy fire of the enemy, I observed soon, however, the delay of this regiment in getting into position, and going up to its left, I ordered them to file out to the rear, so as to form the right of our new line of battle. Lieutenant-Colonel Devane took out a portion of the regiment, and I thus su])posed they were all following. While the line was being formed, Colo- nel Zachary, of General Colquitt's Brigade, with five com- panies of the Twenty-seventh Georgia Regiment, came up and charged with us. The struggle had continued for sev- eral hours, and it was now after sunset. We drove the en- emy back again and reoccupied the left of our original line. 204 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. Captain Henderson, who had succeeded to the command of the Eighth, was, however, slain in this last charge. Before night closed, we thus held again our original line intact, but the thick woods and dusk of the closing evening, allowed the enemy to rest within fifty yards of our left. I then received an order from ]\Iajor-General Hoke, through one of his staif, to vacate so much of my line on the left, as was within the woods, as it was said that Hunton's Brigade was moving up to occupy the ground that had lost. I told this staff officer that it was better for me to hold my whole line until this brigade arrived, for that if .any part was vacated the enemy would occupy it. The officer insisted, hoAvever, that I must withdraw at once, as the other brigade was approaching, and confusion might be produced. I was thus compelled to give up, reluctantly, about one hundred or one liundred and fifty yards of my line on the left. Hun- ton's brigade did not, in fact, come up until the next morn- ing, but as I had foreseen, the enemy immediately extended tiieir lines until within twenty or thirty yards of my left, being protected by a little elevation of the ground between us. One Virginia regiment came up and took position in rear of ijiy left, at right angles to it, extending to the rear. While 1 was standing at the angle thus formed at my left a body of troops was seen moving by the flank from the left, but just in front of our old lines. Not knowing but that this was a part of Hunton's command, I hailed them. Some of my officers said, "These are our pickets coming in." I replied, ''We have no pickets out." As this body of troops was by ijiis time just opposite my left, about eight or ten feet in its front, but just as near as they could get by reason of the slight work thrown u]5 high enough to cover a man to the hijis, T said very loud: "Speak or you will be fired into." Getting no answer, I ordered my men to fire, and myself barely escaped our own fire by falling to the ground as the miiskets were discharged over me. After a few volleys, the enemy had disappeared. It was evident that they expected under cover of the darkness, by moving up silently to occupy a still larger share of our original line. The two lines were during the night separated by less than fifty yards, and by Second Cold Harbor. 205 morning work enough had been done to perfect each. During the following day there was only skirmishing, but on the next (Friday, the 3d), the enemy made an attack on several parts of the Confederate lines, though not heavily in my front, only engagiiig the right of my line, with General Colquitt's Brigade. They lost again so heavily on this day that there .was no further attempt by them, except by slow approaches. At daybreak on the morning of the 13th, it was seen that they had abandoned our front and moved on towards Petersburg. In the engagement of 1 June, Captains Blake and Burgwyn, of my staff, both fell, severely wounded ; and as Captain White had on the previous evening been disabled, I was without a single staff officer present. In this engage- ment though my brigade, deprived suddenly of its support, was at the same time assailed in front, on its left flank and from its rear, at close quarters and by vastly superior num- bers, it was neither panic-stricken or beaten. After a strug- gle which continued for three hours, and after losing more than one-third of its strength, it recovered all its ground and repulsed its assailants. The important position at Cold Harbor Avas thus preserved to General Lee. Its conduct in similar circumstances in front of Petersburg, a little later on the evening of 17 June, 1864, was detailed in my official report of that engagement. T. L. Clingman. ASHEVILLE, N. C, 3 June, 1874. REAMS STATION, 25 AUCiUST. 156^. By major CHAS. M. STEDMAX, Forty-Fourth Regiment, N. C. T. Upon the investment of Petersburg, the possession of the Weldon road became of manifest importance, as it was Lee's main line of communication with the South, whence he drew his men and supplies. On 18 August, 1864, General G. K. Wari-en, Avith the Fifth Corps of Grant's Army and Kaut'z's Division of Cavalry, occupied the line of the Weldon road at a poijit six miles from Petersburg. An attempt was made to dislodge them from this position on the 21st, but the effort failed. Emboldened by Warren's success, Hancock was or- dered from Deep Bottom to Reams Station, ten miles from Petersburg. He arrived there on the 22d, and promptly commenced the destruction of the railroad track. His in- fantry force consisted of Gibbon's and Miks' Divisions, and in the afternoon of the 25tli, he was reinforced by the divis- ion of Orlando B. Wilcox, which however, arrived too late to be of any substantial service to him. Gregg's Division of cavalry, with an additional brigade, commanded by Spear, was with him and abundant artillerj-. On the 22d Gregg was assailed by Wade Hampton with one of his cavalry divisions, and a sharp contest ensued. Gen- eral Hampton from the battle field of the 22d, sent a note to General K. E. Lee, suggesting an immediate attack with in- fantry; that great connnander realizing that a favorable op- portunity was offered to strike Hancock a heavy blow, directed Lieutenant-General A. P. Hill to advance against him as promptly as possible. General Hill left his camp near Petersburg on the night of the 24th, and marching south, halted near Armstrong's Mill, about eight miles from Peters- burg. On the morning of the 25th he advanced to Monk's JSTeck bridge, three miles from Beams Station, and awaited advices 208 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. from Hampton. The Confederate force actually present at Reams Station consisted of Cooke's and MacRae's Brigades, of lleth's Division ; Lane's, Scales' and McGowan's Brigades, of Wilcox's Division ; Anderson's Brigade of Longstreet's Corps; two brigades of Mahone's Division; Butler's a; 'd W. H. F. Lee's Divisions of Cavalry and a portion of Pegram's Battalion of artillery. General Hampton, com- manding cavalry, marched at daylight on the morning of the 25th, and drove the Federal cavalry before him at all points. Both of his divisions united at Malone's Crossing, about two and a half miles from Reams Station, having moved against the enemy by different routes. Here Hamp- ton A\'as attacked by a portion of Hancock's infantry, when he dismounted his entire force and a spirited light was in pro- gress when the columns of A. P. Hill appeared in sight, with the purpose of attacking Plancock's force from the front, Hancock's infantry, who were expecting an attack from Hill, had entrenched themselves strongly on the west side of the railroad and a short distance from it. Hill ordered the first assault about 2 o'clock in the afternoon. The assaulting column consisted of Anderson's Georgia Brigade and Scales' JSTorth Carolina Brigade. These two brigades, after a severe conflict in which both fought well, were repulsed. The sec- ond assault was made about 5 o'clock in the afternoon by the three Xorth Carolina Brigades of Lane, Cooke, and MacRae, from left to right, in the order named. These troops had become famous throughout the entire army for their fighting qualities. How could it be otherwise with such brigade com- manders ? On this day General Conner, of South Carolina, was commanding Lane's Brigade, as General Lane had been severely wounded at Cold Harbor. In front of Lane and Cooke the enemy had felled trees, sharpening the limbs and making it very difficult to get through them. MacRae had an open field between him and the enemy's breastworks, and for this reason, as the other two brigades would be necessarily retarded by the abatis, which was exceedingly formidable wdiere Lane's men had to pass, they were ordered to advance somewhat sooner that MacRae's men. MacRae's line of battle was in the edge of a pine thick- Reams Station. 209 et about three hundred yards from the breastworks to be as- saulted. Walking along the line MacRae told the men that he knew they would go over the works, and that he wished them to do so without firing a gam. "xVll right, General, we will go there," was the answer which came from all. The men were in high spirits, jesting and laughing, and ready to move on an instant's notice. In the meanwhile Lane's and Cooke's Brigades advancing were received by a heavy fire of both musketry and artillery. As the fire became more vio- lent, especially in front of Lane, MacRae, prompted by that great and magnanimous spirit -which ever characterized him, and realizing that the crisis of the conflict was at hand, said to Captain Louis G. Young, his Adjutant-General, ''I shall wait no longer for orders. Lane is drawing the entire fire of the enemy ; give the order to advance at once." Hitherto his brigade had received but slight attention from the enemy, the greater portion of tlieir fire having been directed against Lane's and Cooke's Eidgades. But warned of the danger which threatened them, by the loud cheers from MacRae's Bri- gade, as it emerged from its covering of pines and advanced to the assault, they o])ened a tremendous fire of small arms, with a converging fire of artillery along MacRae's whole front. It was all in vain. MacRae's men in a line almost as straight and unbroken as they ])resented when on parade, without firing a gun, threw themselves forward at a double-quick, and mounting the entrenchments, precipitated themselves among the enemy's infantry on the other side, who seemed to be dazed by the vehemence of the attack, and made a very fee- ble resistance after their works were reached. Lane's and Cooke's men, stimulated by the shouts of jMacRae's Brigade on their right, redoubled their exertions and advancing with great rapidity through the fallen timl^er, were close under the works when MacRae struck them. In fact, portions of the three brigades crossed the embankment together, and the glory of the victory belongs equally to them all. Xor were our cavalry idle spectators of the ficht. As soon as it was evident to General Hampton that Hill's infantry had com- menced the second assault with the three jSTorth Carolina 14 510 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Brigades, lie ordered his entire force, which had been dis- mounted, to attack the enemy in tlank and rear. This was done most gallantly and snccessfnlly. General Rufus Bar- ringer, of North Carolina, commamled W. II. F. Lee's Divis- ion wit.h marked skill and gallantry, whilst Colonel W. H. Cheek, of Warren county, led Barringer's Brigade with his accustomed dash. The cavalry vied with the infantry in their headlong assault upon the enemy's lines. The ISTine- teenth North Carolina {'2 Cav.) under General W. P. Roberts, of Gates County, carried the lirst line of riflr>pits on the right, and the cavalry all swept over the main line. Their works stormed in front, their lines carried in tlank and rear, the en- emy's infantry gave way at all points and abandoned the field in confusion and without any appearance of order. In truth, the Federal infantry did not show the determination which had generally marked the conduct of Hancock's Corps. Xot so witli the Federal artillery. It was fought to the last with unHinchiug courage. Some minutes before the second assault was made. General ]\IacBae had ordered Lieutenant W. E. Kyle, with the sharpshooters, to concentrate his fire Ti]:»on the Federal batteries. Many men and horses rapidly fell under the deadly fire of these iutrepid marksmen. Yet still the artillerists who were left, stood by their guns. When MacRae's Brigade crossed the embankment, a battery which w^as on his right front as he advanced, wdieeled to a right angle wuth its origiual position, and opened a fire of grape and can- ister at close quarters, enfilading the Confederate lines ; Gen- eral MacRae immediately ordered this battery to be taken. Although entirely abandoned by its infantry support, it con- tinned a rapid fire upon the attacking column until the guns were reached. Some of the gunners even then refused to sur- render and were taken by sheer physical force. They were animated in their gallant conduct by the example of their com- manding officer. On horse back, he was a conspicuous target, and his voice could be distinctly heard encouraging his men. Struck ^^•ith admiration by his bravery, every effort was made "by General MacRae, Captain W. P. Oldham, Captain Robert Biugham, and one or two others who were among the first to reach the guns, to save the life of this manly opponent. Un- Reams Station. 211 fortunately he Avas struck l)_v a ball which came from the ex- treme flank, as all firing had ceased in front of him and he fell from his horse mortally wounded, not more lamented by his own men than by those who combatted him. This bat- tery, when captured, was at once turned upon the retreating columns of the enemy. It was manned by a few of MacKae's sharpshooters, all of whom were trained in artillery practice. They were aided ly Captain Oldham, Lieutenant Kyle and others, not now remembered. Captain Oldham sighted one of the guns repeatcMlly. and when he saw the effect of his ac- curate aim upon the disordered masses in front, was so jubi- lant that General MacRae, with his usual quiet humor, re- marked, '^Oldham thinks he is at a ball in Petersburg." After the capture of the breastworks. General McGowan's Brigade Avas sent in on the right. That generous hearted old hero declined to make any official report of the conduct of his brigade, giving as a reason therefor, that he ''supposed he Avas only sent in to help the Xortli Carolinians in the pur- suit, and gather u]i the spoils of war which had been captured hy them.'' His unselfish example was well worthy of imita- tion. Mahone's old brigade subsequently advanced over the same field, but the hard fighting was over. The Federal loss in this battle was between six hundred and seven Inmdved killed and wonnded, two thousaml one hun- dred and fifty prisoners, three thousand one hundred stand of small arms, twelve stand of colors, nine guns and caissons. Among the prisoners ca]Unred was General Walker, of Han- cock's staff, who surrendered to Lieutenant Kyle. Kyle here, as elsewhere, was in the very front of the assaulting column. The Confederate loss was small, and fell prineijially upon Lane's Brigade. In the second and final assault it was about five hundred in killed and wounded. The result of this bril- liant engagement was hailed with great rejoicing throughout the South, and shed a declining lustre upon the Confederate l»attle flag, upon which the sun of victory was about to go down forever. General R. E. Lee publicly and repeatedly stated that not only Xorth Carolina, but the whole Confed- eracy, owed a debt of gratitude to Lane's, Cooke's and Mac- Kae's Brigades which could never be repaid. He also wrote to 212 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Governor Vance expressing his high appreciation of their services. From his letter I make this extract : "Headquarteks Army NoRTiiERiS^ Virginia^ ''August 29, 1864. "His Excellency Z. B. Vance. Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh : "I have frequently been called upon to mention the services of North Carolina soldiers in this army, but their gallantry and conduct were never more deserving of admiration than in the engagement at Reams Station on the 2.5th ultimo. "The brigades of Generals Cooke, MacRae and Lane, the last under the temporary command of General Conner, ad- vanced through a thick abatis of felled trees, under a heavy fire of musketry and artillery, and carried the enemy's works Avith a steady courage that elicited the warm commendation of their corps and division commanders, and the admiration of the army. "On the same occasion the brigade of General Barringer bore a conspicuous part in the operations of the cavalry, which were no less distinguished for boldness and efiiciency than those of the infantry. "If the men w^ho remain in North Carolina share the spirit of those they have sent to the field, as I doubt not they do, her defence may securely be trusted to their hands. 'T am, with great respect, "Your obedient servant, R. E. Lee, "General." The regiments from North Carolina engaged in this battle again illustrated those high qualities which will perpetuate the name and fame of the Confederate soldier in the years to come. Unshaken by the fall of Vicksburg and the disaster at Gettysburg, undismayed amidst the general gloom which was settling upon the fortunes of the South, they exhibited the same enthusiasm and valor which had marked their con- duct upon every field where they stood for the honor, glory and renown of their State. Charles M. Stedman". Greensboro, N. C, 25 August, 1901. THE THIN QRAY LINE OF TflR HEELS." WINCHESTER, 19 SEFTEHBER, 1S6*. By brigadier-general BRADLEY T. JOHNSON. In September, 1864, Early's army was lying about Win- chester. We had been through Maryland, and terrified Washington into fits, and had gotten safely back into Vir- ginia, with thousands of horses, cattle, medical stores and hundreds of wag'on loads of edibles of every kind. I had a cavah'y brigade of wild, southwestern Virginia horsemen, as brave and as undisciplined as the Virginia Rangers Colonel Washington surrendered at Fort Xecessity, or Andrews fought Cornstalk with at Point Pleasant. I was bivouacked ; we had no tents. About three miles north of Winchester, on the Valley pike, and picketed from the Valley pike to the Berryville pike, running east from Winchester, General Rob- ert D. Johnston, of Xorth Carolina, had a brigade of from 800 to 1,000 muskets on the Berryville pike, on the top of the ridge running across the road. My pickets were a mile in advance of his in Ash Hollow. vSheridan, with 45,000 in- fantry and 10,000 cavalry, lay eight to fifteen miles beyond our picket lines, from Berr^wille and Ripon to Charlestown and Ilalltown, in Clarke and Jefferson Counties, Va. ITow, every morning the Yankee cavalry would rush my pickets in on Johnston's posts. He would stop them until I got up, and tlien I'd drive the Yankees back and re-establish my orig- inal picket posts. This done, I would send my command back to camp. 1 had about eight hundred mounted men, and I would ride up to Bob Johnston's headquarters, which was a wagon under a tree, one camp stool and a frying pan sizzing with bacon, and a pot of rye coffee and sorghum. I'd get my breakfast. But after a week of this proceeding it either became monoto- nous or my appetite showed no sigTis of weakening. I don't 214 North Carolina Troops, 1S61-'65. know Avliieli. One morning 1 dismounted after my usual morning call to boots and saddle, and swung myself very com- fortably into Johnston's single and only camp stool. I smelled the bacon and sniffed the coffee, and waited. In a few moments the cook handed me a chip for a plate and a tin cup of reddiot coffee^ — so hot I had to set the cup on the grass, when Bob spoke, saying: "Bradley, you let those Yankees do you too bad. You have got so scared of them that you all run the very lirst dash they make at you." "Is that so, Robert V 1 said. "That's a pity, but I don't know how to help it. I do the best I can. How many Yan- kee cavalry <;l<) you think you are good for ^" "Well," said he, "I've got eight hundred muskets present for duty. By a week's time, as the boys get back from the hospital, I'll have one thousand. Well, with one thousand muskets, I think I can take care of live thousand Yanks on horseback." "All right," said I, "wait and see. I hope you can." So I got my breakfast and went off mightily tickled at the conceit of the Tar Heel ; for Sheridan's cavalry, with Custer, Torbett and Devens, were about as good soldiers as ever took horse or drew saber. We had drilled them so that in three years we had taught them to ride. They were always drilled enough to light, and they learned the use of the saber from necessity. Well, things went on as usual. Every morning Sheridan would send a regiment out to feel Early — to drive in his pickets — so as to nu^ke sure wliere he was, and to know where to find him ; and every morning I would ride over to the Ber- ryville road, re-establish my lines, and get my breakfast off of Johnston. By daylight 19 September, a scared cavalryman of my own command nearly rode over me, as I lay asleep on the grass, and reported that the Yankees were advancing with a heavy force of infantry, artillery and cavalry up the Berry- ville road. Early was up toward Stephenson's depot, and Jc)hnston and I were res]ionsible for keeping Sheridan out of Winchester and protecting the Confederate line of retreat and of conununication up the valley. In two minutes my The Thin Gray Line of Tar Heels. 215 comniand was moiinted (we always saddled up and fed au hour before dawn) and moving at a trot across the open fields to the Berryville road and to Johnston's assistance. There was not a fence nor a house nor a bush nor a tree to obscure the view. Away off, more than two miles, we could see the crest of the hill covered with a cloud of Yankee cavalry, and in front of them (five hundred yards in front) was a thin, gray line moving oft" in retreat stolidly, and with perfect cool- ness and self-possession. As soon as I got to realize what was going on I quickened our gait, and Avhen within a mile broke into a gallop. The scene was as plain as day. A regiment of cavalry would deploy into line, and then their buglers w^ould sound the charge and they would swoop down on the thin gray line of iSTorth Carolinians. The instant the Yankee bugle sounded, ]^ortli Carolina would halt, face to the rear, wait until the horses got within one hundred yards, and then fire as deliberately and coolly as if firing volleys on parade drill. The cavalry would break and scamper back and North Carolina would "about face" and continue her march in re- treat as solemnly, stubbornly and with as much discipline and dignity as if marching in review. But we got there just in time as cavalry aid to the Tar Heels. Certainly half a dozen charges had been made at the retreating thin gray line, and each and every time the charging squadrons had been driven back, when the enemy sent their line with a rush at the bri- gade of Tar Heels, and one squadron overlapped the infantry line, and w^as just passing it when we got up. In another minute they Avould have been behind the line, sabering the men from the rear while they were held by the fight in front. But we struck a head-long strain and went through the Yan- kees by the flank of the North Carolinians, and carried their adversaries back to the crest of the hill, back through the guns of their battery, clear back to their infantry lines. In a moment they rallied, and were charging us in front and on both flanks ; and back we went in a hurry, but the thin gray line of Old North Carolina was safe. They had gotten back to the rest of the infantry and formed lines at right angles to the pike west of Winchester. I rode up to Bob Johnston, very "pert," as we say in North 216 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Carolina, and said : ''Pretty close call that, Mr. Johnston. What do you think now of the Yankee cavalry's fighting qual- ities V And the rest of the day we enjoyed ourselves. We could see everything for miles around. The country was en- tirely open. The day was beautiful, clear and bright — 19 September. They would form for a forward movement — three lines, one after another — march sedately along until they got within touch of our lines, then raise a hurrah and rush in a charge, and in two minutes the field would be cov- ered with running, flying Yankees. There were 45,000 in- fantry, 10,000 cavalry and 3,000 mounted gunmen. The thing began at daylight and kept up till dark, when, flanked and worn out. Early retreated to escape being surrounded. This is the story of the "Thin Gray Line of North Caro- lina," and the cavalry charge, a feat of arjns before which Sir Colin Campbell's "Thin Red Line" at Balaklava fades into insignificance. y Bradley T. Johnson. Baltimore, Md., 19 Sept., 1864. Note. — The above is an extract from a very interesting address by General Johnson. — Ed. « 9 S o m Q o ■•:: bt THE DEFEriCE OF FORT FISHER. By its Commander, WILLIAM LAMB, Colonel Thirty Sixth Regiment North Carolina Troops. The capture of Fort Fisher, X. C, on 15 January, 1865, Wcis followed so quickly by the final dissolution of the South- ern Confederacy that the great victory was not fully realized by the American people. The position commanded the last gateway between the Confederate States and the outside world. Its capture, with the resulting loss of all the Cape Fear river defenses, and of Wilmington, the great importing depot of the South, effectually ended all blockade-running. General liCe sent me word that Fort Fisher must be held, or he could not subsist his army. The indentation of the Atlantic Ocean in the Carolina coast known as Onslow Bay and the Cape Fear river running south from Wilmington form the peninsula known as Federal Point which, during the Civil War, was called Confederate Point. Xot quite seven miles north of the end of this peninsula stood a high sand hill called the '"Sugar Loaf." Here there was an intrenched camp for the Army of Wilmington, under Gen- eral Braxton Bragg, the department commander, that was hid from the sea by forest and sand hills. From this in- trenched camp the river bank, with a neighboring ridge of sand-dunes, formed a covered way for troops to within a hundred yards of the left salient of Fort Fisher. Between this road and the ocean beach was an arm of Masonboro Sound, and where it ended, three miles north of the fort, were occasional fresh-water sAvamps, generally wooded with scrub growth, and in many places quite impassable. Along the ocean shore was an occasional battery formed from a nat- ural sand hill, beliind which Whitworth guns were carried from the fort to cover belated blockade-runners, or to protect This is reprinted from Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, by courtesy of the Century Company, New York. 218 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'Go. more unfortunate ones that liad been chased ashore. About half a mile north of the fort there was a rise in the plain form- ing' a hill some twenty feet above the tide on the river side, and on this was a redoid)t commanding the approach to the' fort by the river road. Thus Xatnre, assisted by some slight engineering vork. had given a defense to Confederate Point which would have enabled an efficient commander at the in- trenched camp, co-operating with the garrison of Fort Fisher, to have rendered the Point nntenal)le for a largely superior force at night when the covering tire of the Federal navy could not distinguish between friend and foe. At the land face of Fort Fisher, five miles from the in- trenched camp, the peninsula was al)0uthalf a mile wide. This face connnenced about a hundred feet from the river with a half bastion, and extended Avitli a heavy curtain to a full bastion on the ocean side, where it joined the sea face.* The wf)rk was built to withstand the heaviest artillery fire. There was no moat with scarii and counterscarp, so essential for defense against storming ])arties, the shifting sands ren- dering its construction im]iossib]e with the material availa- ble. The outer slope was 20 feet high from the berme to the to|) of the ])arapet, at an angle of 45 degrees, and was sodded with marsh grass, which grew luxuriantly. The parapet was not less than twenty-five feet thick, with an inclination of only one foot. The revetment was five feet nine inches high from the floor (:>f the gun chambers, and these were some twelve feet or more from the interior ])lane. The guns were all mounted en barbette, on Columbiad carriages ; there was not a single casemated gun in the fort. Experience had taught that casemates of timber and sand bao-s were a delusion and a *When I assumed command of Fort Fisher, 4 July, 1863, it was composed of several detached earth-works, with a casemated battery of sand and palmetto lop;s, mounting four guns and with only one heavy gun in the works. The frigate Mumci^ota could have destroyed the works and driven us out in a few hours. I immediately went to work, and with 500 colored laborers, assisted by the garrison, constructed the largest earth-work in the Southern Confederacy, of heavy timbers cov- ered by sand from 15 to 20 feet deep and sodded with turf. The fort was far from complete when it was attacked, especially as against an as- sault by land : the sides exposed to the sea being first constructed, on the theory that the Array of Wilmington would prevent an investment. — W. L. ^ The Defence of Fort Fisher. 219 suare against heavy projectiles; and there was no iron to construct them with. Between the gun-chambers, containing one or two guns each (there w^ere twenty heavy guns on the land face), there were heavy traverses, exceeding in size any known to engineers, to protect from an enfilading fire. They extended out some twelve feet on the parapet, and were twelve feet or more in height above the parapet, running back thirty feet or more. The gun-chambers were reached from the rear by steps, hi each traverse was an alternate magazine or bomb-proof, the latter ventilated by an air chamber. Pas- sageways ]jenetrated the traverses in the interior of the w^ork, forming additional l)ond>pr()ofs for the reliefs for the guns. The sea face for a hundred yards from the northern bastion was of the same massi^'e character as the land face. A cres- cent battery inteuded f(.»r four guns, joined this. It had been originally built of palmetto logs and tarred sand-bags and sand revetted with sod ; but the logs had decayed, and it was converted iut<:) a hospital bond>])roof. In its rear a heavy curtain was thro^vn u}) to protect the chambers from frag- ments of shells. From this bomb-proof a series of batteries extended for three-quarters of a mile along the sea, connected by an infantry curtain. These batteries had heavy traverses, but were not more than ten or twelve feet high to the top of the parapets, and were built for riv-<)chet firing. On this line was a boud>proof electric battery connected with a sys- tem of submarine torjjedoes. Farther along, where the chan- nel ran close to the beach, inside the bar, a mound battery 60 feet high was erected, with two heavy guns, which had a pluuiiing fire on the channel; this was connected with the bat- tery north of it by a light curtain. Following the line of the works, it v/as over one mile from the mound to the northeast bastion at the angle of the sea and land faces, and upon this line twenty-four heavy guns were mounted. From the mound for nearly a mile to the end of the point was a level sand plain scarcely three feet above high tide, and much of it was sub- merged during gales. At the point was Battery Buchanan, four guns, in the shape of an ellipse, commanding the inlet, its two 1 1-inch gTins covering the approach by land. It w^as garrisoned by a detachment from the Confederate States navy. 220 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. An advanced redoubt with a 24-ponnder was added after the attack by the forces under General Butler and Admiral Por- ter on Christinas, 1864. A wharf for large steamers was in close proximity to these works. Battery Buchanan was a cit- adel to which an overpowered garrison might retreat and with proper transportation be safely carried off at night, and to which re-enforcements could be sent under cover of darkness. Thus Fort Fisher, being designed to withstand the heaviest bombardment, was extremely difficult to defend against as- sault after its guns were destroyed. The soldiers in the gun- chambers could not see the approach in front for a hundred feet, and to repel assailants they had to leave all cover and stand upon the open parapet. As a defense against infantry there was a system of sub- terra torj^edoes extending across the peninsula, five to six hundred feet from the land face, and so disconnected that the explosion of one would not affect the others ; inside the torpe- does, about fifty feet from the berme of the work, extending from river bank to sea-shore, was a heavy palisade of shar- pened logs nine feet high pierced for musketry, and so laid out as to have an enfilading fire on the center, where there was a redoubt, guard iiig a sally-port, from which two ISTapo- leons were run out, as occasion required. At the river end of the palisade was a deep and muddy slough, across which was a bridge, the entrance of the river road into the fort; commanding this l)ridge was a Xapoleon gun. There were three mortars in rear of the land face. It was after a careful reconnoissance on 25 December, 1864, having drawn our fire by an advance of his skirmish line to within 75 yards of the fort, that General Godfrey Weitzel, finding the works substantially uninjured by the ex- plosion of the ]>owder ship and the two days' terrific bom- bardment of Porter's great armada, reported to Butler that the fort could not be carried by assault.* In the works on that *General B. F Butler in his report of the operations of his troops, saj'S in part : "Brevet Brigadier-General [N. M.] Curtis, who deserves well for his gallantry and conduct, immediately pushed up his brigade within a few hundred yards of Fort Fisher, capturing the Half-moon battery and its men, who were taken off by the boats of the navy. In the mean- time the remainder of Araes'.'^' division had captured 218 "men and 10 com- The Defence of Fort Fisher. 221 afternoon were over DOO veteran troops and 450 Junior Ee- serves, reinforced after dark by 60 sailors and marines. As soon as the fire of the fleet ceased, the parapets were not only manned, hut half tlie garrison was stationed outside the work behind the palisades. There was no fear of an assault in front ; what most disturbed the defenders was a possible landing from boats between the Mound Battery and Battery Buchanan. Admiral Porter was as much to blame as Gen- eral Butler for the repulse.* missioned officers of the North Carolina reserves and other prisoners. From them I learned that Kirkland's and Hagood's brigades of Hoke's division had left the front of the Army of the .Tames, near Richmond, and were then within two miles of the rear of my forces, and their skir- mishers were then actually engaged, and the remainder of Hoke's divis- ion had come the night before to Wilmingtion, and were theji on the march, if they had not already arrived. General Weitzel reported to me that to a.ssault the work, in liis judgement, and in that of the expe- rienced officers of his command who had been on the skirniish-line, with any prospect of success, was impossible. This opinion coincided with my own, and much as I regretted the necessity of abandoning the attempt, yet the path of duty was plain. Not so strong a work as Fort Fisher had been taken by assault during the war, and I had to guide me the experience of Port Hudson, with its slaughtered thousands in the re- pulsed assault, and the double assault of Fort Wagner, where thousands were sacrificed in an attempt to take a work less strong than Fisher, after it had been subjected to a more continued and fully as severe fire, And in neither of the instances I have mentioned had the assaulting force in its rear, as I had, an army of the enemy larger than itself. I therefore ordered that no assault should be made, and that the troops should re-embark." — Editors. * General Butler was blamed by contemporaneous writers for not cap- turing the works. For this criticism he had himself to blame. On the evening of the '2.5th, before waiting for official reports, he listened to camp gossip and wrote to Admiral Porter: "General Weitzel advanced his skirmish-line within fifty yards of the fort, while the garrison was kept in their bombproofs by the fire of the navy, and so closely that three or four men of the picket-line ventured upon the parapet and through the sally port of the work, ca]ituring a horse, which they brought off. killing the orderly, who was the bearer of a dispatch from the chief of artillery of General Whiting, to bring a light battery witliin the fort, and also brought away from the parapet the flag of the fort." This piece of romance was sent North, and has gotten a lodgment in current history, and is actually repeated by General Grant in his "Me- moirs," though General Butler corrected the error in his official report of 3 January, I860. No Federal soldier entered Fort Fisher Christmas day. except as a prisoner. The courier was sent out of the fort without my knowledge, and was killed and his horse captured within the ene- my's lines. The flag captured was a small company flag, placed on the extreme left of the work, and which was carried away and thrown off the parapet by an enfilading shot from the navy. It was during a terrible 222 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. The garrison of Fort Fisher was composed altogether of Xorth Carolinians. For two years and a half the force had been nuder my command, and in that time only two compa- nies, temporarily there, were from ontside the State. After the repnlse of Bntler and Porter, although some important guns As-ere destroyed l)y the bombardment and by explosion, little or nothing Avas done to repair damages or strengthen the armament of the work. Tieqnisitions were made for addi- tional ammunition, especially for hand grenades, to repel as- sault, but it was impossible to obtain what Avas needed. Application was made for the placing of marine torpe- does where the iron-clads had anchored, and whither they returned, but no action was taken on it. Although we heard on 8 January that the fleet had returned to Beau- fort, and we knew that Fort Fisher was still its objec- tive point, General Braxton Bragg withdrew the support- ing army from Sugar Loaf and marched it to a camp sixteen miles distant, north of Wilmington, and there had a grand review. Tlie f'jrt A\as not even advised of the coming of the fleet, whicli should have been seen off Masonboro during the day ; and its arrival was reported from Fort Fisher to head- quarters in Wilmington. The night of 12 January, from the ramparts of Fort Fisher I saw the great armada returning. ]\Iy mounted pickets had informed me of its coming. I began at once to put my works in order for action. I had but 800 men — the Thirty-sixth Nm-ih Cai'<;)lina — at least 100 of whom were not fit for duty. bombardment of the land-face, when I had ordered my men to cover themselves behind parapet and traverses as well as in the bomb proofs. Amid the smoke of bursting shells, Captain W. H. Walling, of the 143d New York, gallantly crawled through the broken palisade and carried off the flag, doing what two or more men could not have done without ob- servation. The angle of the work hid him from the sharp-shooters on the front, who, from behind traverses, were watching for an advance. When Butler's skirmish-line approached I purposely withheld the fire of the infantry and artillery until an attack should be made in force. Only one gun on the land-face had been seriously disabled, and I could have opened a fire of grape and canister on the narrow beach, which no troops could have survived. In the second attack by the army, as the reader will see, all my heavy guns on the land-face but one "were dis- abled ; my torpedoes were useless, and my palisades were so torn up and cut down that they furnished a protection to the assailants instead of a formidable impediment.— W L. The Defence of Fort Fisher. 223 Sunrise the next niorjiing revealed to lis the most formidable armada the world had ever knoAvn, supplemented by trans- ports carrvinii' aljont S,.';*)!) troops. Snddenly that long line of floating fortresses rained shot and shell, npon fort and beach and Avooded hills, causing the very earth and sea to tremble. I had telegraphed for reinforcements, and during the day and night foll()\\-ing about TOO arrived — companies of light and heavy artillery, Xorth Carolina troops, and some 50 sailors and marines of the Confederate States navy — giving me 1,500, all told, up to the morning of 15 January, including the sick and slightly Avunnded. On Friday, the 13tli, in the midst of the Unnbardment, General W. H. C. Whiting, the district commander, and his stall", arrived in the fort. They had walked up from Battery Buchanan. I did not knov; of their ap]U'oach until the general came to me on the works and remarked, "Lamb, my boy, 1 have come to share your fate. You and your garrison are to be sacri- ficed." I replied, "Don't say so. General; we shall certainly whip the enemy again.'' He then told me that when he left Wilmington General Bragg was hastily removing his stores and ammunition, and was looking for a place to fall back upon.* I offered him the command, although he came un- armed and without orders ; but he refused, saying he would counsel with me, Init would leave me to conduct the defense. In the former bomljardment the fire of the fleet had been difi'use, not calculated to eftect any particular damage, and so wild that at least one-third of the missiles fell in the river 'beyond the fort or in the bordering marshes ; but now the fire was concentrated, and the definite object of the fleet was the destruction of the land defenses by enfilade and direct fire. *In a report to General Lee, dictated at Fort Fisher 18 January, 1865, and another (inclosing the tirst one) dated Fort Columbus, New York Harbor, 19 February, I860, General Whiting blamed General Bragg for the loss of Fort Fisher, and asks that the latter's conduct be investi- gated. He says : "I went into the fort with the conviction that it was to be sacrificed, for the last I heard General Bragg say, was to point out a line to fall back on if Fort Fisher fell " General Hragg was "charged with the command and defense of Wilmington," by the Secretary of War, on 24 October 1864 ; and General Whiting concludes with a feeling reference to the fact that he was not allowed to conduct the defense of ''a harbor on which I had expended for two years all the labor and skill I had." — Editors. 224 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. and the ships took position accordingly. When attacked in December, I had had for my 44 heavy guns and three mortars not over 3,600 shot and shell; and for the most effective gun in the work, the 150-pounder Armstrong, there were but 13 shells, and we had no other annnunition that could be used in it. The frigates Minnesota and Wabash each had an arma- ment superior to ours, and these two vessels alone fired more shot and shell at the works in the last attack than we had, all told or on hand, in both engagements. During the time be- tween the two expeditious we had begged for more ammuni- tion, but none came except a few useless bolts designed for the Armstrong gun. In the former fight we had fired 1,272 shot and shell; leaving about 2,328, exclusive of grape and shrap- nel, to resist a passage of the ships and an assault by land. I was obliged to husband my ammunition even more than in the previous battle, and therefore gave the same orders that each gun should be fired only once every half hour until disa- bled or destroyed, exee]~)t when special orders were given to concentrate on a particular vessel, or in case an attempt were made to cross the bar and run in, when every available gun should be used Avith all possible effectiveness. It was this slow firing from the fort, at times not over forty-four guns in thirty minutes, compared to the naval fire of from one to two guns a second, that gave the navy the erroneous idea that they had silenced the fort. But no attempt was made to run by the fort, which was a great surprise to us. Occasionally a wooden vessel, more daring than her consorts, would come close in, when the guns of several batteries would be concen- trated upon her and she would be quickly withdrawn more or less injured. All day and night on 13 and 14 January the navy con- tinued its ceaseless torment ; it was impossible to repair dam- ages at night on the land face. The Ironsides and monitors bowled their eleven and fifteen inch shells along the parapet, scattering shrapnel in the darkness. We could scarcely gatlier up and bury our dead without fresh casualties. At least two hundred had been killed and wounded in the two days since the fight began. Only three or four of my land guns were of any service. The Federal army had been ap- The Defence of Fort Fisher. 225 preaching on the river side during the day ; but they were more or less covered by the formation of the land, and we con Id only surmise their number. I had seen them pass Craig's Landing near mj cottage and occupy the redoubt about half a mile from the fort. We had tired some shot and shell at their approaching columns, but it was at a fearful cost of limb and life that a land gun was discharged; for to fire from that face was to draw upon the gunners the fury of the fleet. Early in the afternoon, to my astonishment, I saw a Confed- erate flat-bottomed steam transport, loaded \vith stores, ap- proaching Craig's Landing, which was now in the enemy's lines. 1 had a gun fired toward her to warn her off, but on she came, unconscious of her danger, and she fell an easy ca])- tive in the enemy's hands. Shortly after, the Confederate steamer Cliicl'atiunifja. which had been annoying the enemy from the river, fired into and sank the stu})id craft. This in- cident gave me the lirst intimation that we were deserted. From the conformation of the Cape Fear river. General Bragg could have ])asscd safely froivi Sugar Loaf toward Smithville, and with a glass could have seen everything on the beach and in the fort, and in person or through an aide, with the steamers at his conunand, could have detected every movement of the enemy; but now, thirty-six hours after the fight had commenced, several hours after Craig's Landing had been in the possession of the enemy, he sent into the en- emy's lines a steamer full of sorely needed stores, which at night could have gone to Battery Buchanan in safety. We liad both telegraphic and signal communication between Fort Fisher and Sugar Loaf, Bragg's headquarters, and I got Gen- eral Whiting to telegraph him to attack the enemy under cover of night when the fleet could not co-operate, and we would do the same from the fort, and that thus we could capture a por- tion or the whole of the force, or at least demoralize it. jSTo reply was received. Still I thought General Bragg could not fail to respond ; so, after the dead were buried, ten com- panies were put in readiness for a sortie, and I carried Cap- tain Patterson's company out in front of the work beyond the ]ialisade line and the range of the enemy's fire, and threw them out as skirmishers with orders to disco^^er the position 15 226 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. ■t)f the enemy. We found none on the sea shore within half a mile, luit on the river shore they were occupying the re- doul)t, wliero tlieir skirmishers extended toward the left of the fort. Some of them fired on us, but we remained there awaiting' a message from Bragg, or the sound of his guns from the north, hut in vain, and before daylight we retired to the fort. With llie rising sun, on the 15tli, the fleet, which had been annoying us all through the night, redoulded its fire on the land face. The sea was calm, the naval gunners had become accurate by practice, and before noon but one heavy gun, pro- tected by the angle of the northeast bastion, remained ser- viceable on that face. The harvest of wounded and dead was increased, and at noon I had not 1,200 men to defend the long- line of works. The enemy were now preparing to assault ; Ave saw their skirmish line on the left digging rifle pits close to our torpedo lines and their columns along the river shore massing for the attack, while their sharpshooters were firing upon every head that showed itself upon our front. Despite the imminent danger to the gttnners I ordered the two Napo- leons at the central sally-port and the Napoleon on the left to fire grape and canister tt]ion the advancing skirmish line. They fearlessly obeyed the order, and with effectiveness, but at a sad sacrifice in killed and wounded. At the same time on ihe ocean side a cohtmn composed of sailors and marines was seen to apj^roach, the ach^ance throwing up slight trenches. On these we brought to bear otir single heavy gttn, while the two guns on the mound battery turned their attention from the sailors afloat to the sailors on shore, but at too long range to be very eftective. Ilagood's Brigade, sent by Bragg, was now arriving at Battery Bticluman, but the steamer bearing tbem was driven olf by the fire of the fleet after it had suc- -ceeded in landing tAvo South Carolina regiments, Avhich came at a doable-quick to the mound under a heavy fire. The mtm- ber of these reinforcements Avas reported to me by the officer in command as 350. They reached the fort less than thirty minutes before tbe attacking columns came like avalanches itjjon our rigbt and left. The South Carolinians Avere ottt of breath and more or less disorganized and demoralized by Front ofWILMINGTON.N.C, inFebruary,1865. The Defence of Fort Fisher. 227 the oi'deal throiigli wliicli, by Bragg's neglect, they had been forced to jmss. I sent them to an old commissary bomb- proof to recover .breath. ^ly lieadqnarters during the tight were the pulpit battery on the sea face, one hundred yards from the northeast salient find adjoining the hospital bomb-proof, commanding the best view of the aj^] roaches to the land face. At 2:30, as I was returning froin anotlier battery, Private Arthur Muldoon, one of my lookouts, called to me, "Colonel, the enemy are about to charge.'' I informed General Whiting, who was near, find at my request he immediately telegraphed General Bragg, fit "Sugar Loaf" : "The enemy are about to assault ; they outnumber us heav- ily. We are just manning our parapets. Fleet have ex- tended down the sea front outside and are firing very heavily. Fnemy on the l)each in front of us in very heavy force, not more than seven hundred yards from us. Xearly all land guns disabled. Attack ! Attack I It is all I can say and all you can do."'^ I then ])assed hurriedly down in rear of the land face and through the galleries, and although the fire of the fleet was terrific, I knew it must soon cease, and I ordered additional sharpshooters to the gun-chambers with instructions to pick oif the officers in the assaulting columns, and directed the battery commanders to form their detachments and rush to the top of the parapets when the firing stopped and drive the assailants back. As I returned, I instructed the squads that were fornang under cover to rally to the parapets as soon as the order should be given, to which they responded with en- thusiasm. I had determined to allow the assailants to reach the berme of the work before exploding a line of torpedoes, be- lieving it would enable us to kill or capture the first line, while destroying or demoralizing their supporting lines of as- sault. I had not fjuite reached my headquarters when the roar of artillery suddenly ceased, and instantly the steam- whistles of the vast fleet sounded a charge. It was a soul- stirring signal botli to besiegers and besieged. *The original, in Wliiting's handwriting, is in possession of Dr. Geo. X/. Porter, Bridgeport, Conn. — W. L. 228 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. I ordered my aide. Lieutenant Charles H. Blocker, to double-qnick the Twenty-first and Twenty-fifth Soutli Caro- lina to reinforce Major James Reilly, whom I had put in com- mand on the left, while I went to the northeast salient, which I believed to be the vital point of the work and the one which needed most protection. I rallied there the larger portion of the garrison of the main work, putting 300 men on top of the bastion and adjoining parapets and holding some 200 more in the adjoining batteries. About 250 remained for de- fense on the left, to which I supposed the 350 South Caro- linians wonld immediately be added, and these with the Na- poleon and the torpedoes F felt sure would successfully defend that portion of the work. The assaulting line on the right was directed at the angle or point of the L, and consisted of two thousand sailors and marines,* the greater portion of whom had Hanked my tor]^edo lines by keeijing close to the sea. Ordering the mound battery, and any other on the sea face that could do so, to fire upon them, and the two Napo- leons at the sally-port to join our Columbiad in pouring grape and canister into their ranks, I held in reserve the infantry fire. Whiting stood upon the brink of the parapet inspiring those about him. The sailors and marines reached the berme and some sprang up the slope, but a murderous fire greeted them and swept them down. Volley after volley was poured into their faltering i-anks by c<:)ol, determined men, and in half an hour several hundred dead and wounded lay at the foot of the bastion. The bravery of the officers could not re- strain their men from ]ianic and retreat, and with small loss to ourselves we witnessed what had never been seen before, a disorderly rout of American sailors and marines. Had the fleet lielped their own column as they did afterward that of the army, theirs would have been the glory of victory. x\s our shouts of trium]ih went up I turned to look at the western salient, and saw, to my astonishment, three Federal *Secretary Welles, in his report of the Navy Department, 4 Decem- ber, 180o, says: "Fourteen hundred sailors and marines were landed and participated in the direct assault"; but Admiral Porter in his report, dated off Fort Fisher, 17 January, l>s6o, says: ' I detailed 1,600 sailors and 400 marines to accompany the troops in the assault — the sailors to- board the sea- face, while the troops assaulted the land side." — Editor. The Defence of Fort Fisher. 229 battle flags upon our ramparts. General Whiting saw them at the same moment, and, calling on the men to pull down those flags and drive the enemy from the work, rushed toward them on the paraj^et. Among those who followed Whiting, and who gave his young life upon those ramparts, I must mention the brave Lieutenant Williford, who commanded the Blakely Battery. In order to make a careful reconnoissance of the position of the enemy, I passed thi-ough the sally-port, and outside of the work witnessed a savage hand-to-hand conflict for the possession of the fourth gun-chamber from the left bastion. My men, led by Whiting, had driven the standard-bearer from the to]) of the traverse and the enemy from the parapet in. front. They had recovered the gun-chamber with great slaughter, and on the parapet and on the long traverse of the next gun-chamber the contestants were savagely firing into each other's faces, and in some cases clubbing their guns, being too close to load and fire. Whiting had quickly been wounded by two shots and had been carried to the hospital bomb-proof. I saw that the Confederates were exposed not only to the fire in front, but to a galling infantry fire from the captured salient. I saw also a fresh force pouring into the left of the work, noAv offering no resistance. T doubt if ever before the commander of a work went outside of it and looked back upon the conflict for its possession; but from the peculiar construction of the works it was necessary to do so in order to see the exact position of affairs. I was in front of the sally-])0] t and concealed from the army by a fragment of the ])ah"sade." Ordering Captain Z. T. Adams to turn his j^apoleons on the column moving into the fort (the gallant Mayo had already t\irned his Columbiad upon them), I returned into the work, and, ])lacing men behind every cover that could be found, poured at close range a deadlier fire into the flank of *I was told, several years after the war, by a United States marine named Clark, that I was distinctly seen and recognized by a comrade and himself who had feigned death in front of the north-east salient, and that his comrade rose from his place of concealment to shoot me. but before he could fire was shot in the head by a soldier in the fort. I never thought of danger from that direction. — W. L. 230 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. the enemy occupying the gun-chambers and traverses than they were able to deliver upon my men from the left salient. While thus engaged I met my aide, who informed me that the South Carolinians had failed to respond to my order, al- though their officers had pleaded with them, and with a few of them had gone into the fight; that the assaulting column had made two distinct charges upon the extreme left and had been repulsed by the fire of the JSTapoleon and by the in- fantry ; that the torjiedo wires had been cut by the fire of the fleet and the electrician had tried in vain to execute my or- ders ; that, driven from the extreme left, the enemy had found a weak defense betAveen the left salient and the sally-port in their third charge, and had gained the parapet and, capturing two gun-chandjers, had attacked the force in the left bastion on the flank, simultaneously -with a direct charge of a fresh column, and that our men after great slaughter, especially those at the ]^apoleon, had been forced to surrender just as we had repulsed the naval column ; that to add to the discom- fiture of the Confederates, as soon as the Federal battle flags appeared on the ramparts. Battery Buchanan had opened with its two heavy guns on the left of the work, killing and vrounding friend and foe alike. Major Reilly had failed to lead the men to the top of the parapet on the right of the west- ern salient, firing instead from the two gun-chambers on the assailants, who were not within range until they reached the parapet. Had the parapet been manned by fifty determined men at this point, I do not believe the enemy could have got into the fort before reinforcements had arrived. Keilly was a veteran soldier, and showed his indomitable courage later in the day, but his mistake was fatal. This was dishearten- ing, but I told Captain Blocker if we could hold the enemy in check until dark I would then drive them out. and I sent a telegram by him to Bragg, imploring him to attack, and say- ing that I could still save the fort. JN'otwithstanding the loss of a portion of the work and a part of the garrison, the men were in good spirits and seemed determined to recover the fort. We had retaken one gun- chamber in the charge on the parapet, and since we had opened on their flank we had shot down all their standard- The Defence of Fort Fisher. 231 bearers, and the Federal battle flags had disappeared from our ramparts. I was encouraged to believe that before sun- down we could recover all the gun-chambers to the east of the western salient. Just as the tide of battle seemed to have turned in our favor the remorseless fleet came to the rescue of the faltering Federals. Suddenly the bombardment, which had been confined to the sea face, turned again on our land front, and with deadly precision ; the iron-clads and heavy frigates drove in our Xapoleons and exploded shells in the in- terior of the sally-port, which had heretofore escaped. They also swept the gun-chamber occupied by Confederates in front of those occupied by the enemy, and their shells rolled down within the works and exploded in most unexpected quarters, preventing even company formation. They drove from the front of the enemy all assailants except those so near that to have fired on them would have been to slaughter the Fed- erals. We had now to contend with a column advancing around the rear of the left bastion into the interior plane of the fort. It moved slowly and cautiously, ap]3arently in column of com- panies and in close order. I met it Avith an effective infantry fire, my men using the remains of an old work as a breast- work and taking advantage of every object that would afford cover, for we were now greatly outnumbered. The fire was so unexpected and destructive on the massed columns of the Federals, that they halted when an advance would have been fatal to us. With orders to the officers to dis])ute stul)bornly any advance until my return, I went rapidly to the extreme southern limit of my work and turned the two mound guns on the column in the fort. As I passed the different batteries I ordered the guns turned on the assailants, but on returning foiuid that only two besides those on the mound would bear upon them, and these had to be fired over my men. I or- dered them, notwithstanding, to be fired carefully with prop- erly cut fuses, which was done, but it made some of my men very nervous. 1 brought back with me to the front every man except a single detachment for each gnu. I was gone from the fort at least thirty minutes, and on my return found the fio-htins: still continuina' over the same traverse for the 232 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. possession of the anm-cliamber, despite the fire of the fleet. As my men would fall others wonld take their places. It was a soldier's fight at that point, for there conld be no or- ganization : the officers of both forces were loading and firing with their men. If there has ever been a longer or more stubborn hand-to-hand encounter, I have failed to meet with it in history. The Federal column inside had advanced no farther, and seemed demoralized by the fire of the artillery and the determined resistance of the garrison. I had brought back with me moi"e than a hundred of my old garrison, and I threw them in front with those already engaged. Those who had been driven from the parapet had taken position behind the old work. I went to the bomb-proof where the South Carolinians were and appealed to them to help save the fort; they were in a position to flank a part of the column, and they promised to do so. I proceeded to the sally-port and ordered the gallant Adams to bring his guns out and open fire on the head of the column, and if he had not men left to serve the guns to get volunteers from other companies. I went along the galleries and begged the sick and wounded who had re- treated from the caiitured bomb-proofs to come and make one supreme effort to dislodge the enemy. As I passed through my work the last time, the scene was indescribably horrible. Great cannon were broken in two, and over their ruins were lying the dead ; others were partly buried in graves dug by the shells which liad slain them. Still no tidings from Bragg. The enemy's advance had ceased entirely ; protected by the fleet, they held the parapet and gun-chambers, but their massed columns refused to move and appeared to be intrenching in the work. I believed a de- termined assault with the bayonet upon their front would drive them out. I had cautioned the gunners not to fire on our men, and had sent liieutenant Jones, of the navy, to Battery Buchanan, asking for all the force they could spare, aud to 1)0 careful not to fire on us if we became closely en- gaged witli the enemy. The head of the column was not over one hundred feet from the portion of our breastwork which I occupied ; I passed quickly in rear of the line and asked the officers and men if they would follow me ; they all responded The Defence of Fort Fisher. 233 fearlessly that tliey would. T returned to my ])ost, and, giv- ing the order ''Charge bayonets," sprang upon the breast- work, waved my sword, and, as I gave the command ''For- ward! doul)le-quiek, march!" fell on my knees, a rifle ball having entered my left hip. We were met by a heavy vol- ley, aimed too high to be effective ; but our column wavered and fell back behind the breastworks. A soldier raised me up ; 1 turned the command over to Captain Daniel Munn and told him to keep the enemy in check, and that I would band- age my wound and soon return. Before I could reach the hospital I was made to realize that I was incapacitated from joining my men again. In the hospital I found General Wliiting suffering uncomplainingly from his two wounds. He told me that Bragg liad ignored his presence in the fort and had not noticed his messages. I perceived that the fire of my men had slackened, and sent my Acting Adjutant, John K^. Kelly, for Major Reilly, next in command (Major James M. Stevenson being too ill for service. ) Reilly came and promised me that he would continue the fight as long as a man or a shot was left, and nobly did he keep his promise. I again sent a message to Bragg begging him to come to the rescue. Shortly after my fall the Federals made an advance, and, capturing several more of the gun-chainbers, reached the sally-port. The column in the work advanced, but Major Eeilly, rallying the men, among them the South Carolinians, who had all l^ecome engaged, drove them liack. About 8 o'clock at night my aide came to me and said the ammunition was giving out ; tliat he and Chaplain McKinnon had gath- ered all on tlie dead and wounded in a blanket and had dis- tributed it ; that the enemy had ]:)ossession of nearly all of the land face ; that it was impossible to hold out much longer, and suggested that it would be wise to surrender, as a further struggle midit l)e a useless sacrifice of life. I replied that so long as 1 lived I would not surrender the fort ; that Bragg must soon come to the rescue, and it would save us. General Whiting remarked, "Lamb, when you die I will assume com- mand, and I will not surrender the fort." In less than an hour a fourth brigade (three were already in the fort under General Ames) entered the sally-port and swept the defenders 234 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. from the remainder of the land face. Major Reilly had General Whiting and myself hurriedly removed on stretchers to Battery Buchanan, where he purposed to make a stand. When we left the hospital the men were fighting over the ad- joining traverse and the spent balls fell like hail-stones around us. The garrison then fell back in an orderly retreat along the sea face, the rear-guard keeping the enemy engaged as they advanced sloAvly and cautiously in the darkness as far as the Mound Battery, where they halted. Some of the men, cut off from the main body, had to retreat as best they could over the river marsh, while some few unarmed artil- lerists barely eluded the enemy by following the seashore. When we reached Battery Buchanan there was a mile of level beach between us and our pursuers, swept by two 11-inch guns and a 24-pounder, and in close proximity to the battery, a commodious wharf where transports could have come to carry the men off. AVe ex])ected to cover with this battery the retreat of the remnant of- the garrison, but we found the guns spiked, and every means of , transportation, even the barge and crew of the colonel Commanding, taken by Cap- tain K. F. Chapman, of our navy, who following the example of General Bragg, had abandoned us to our fate. None of the guns of Tort Fisher were spiked, the men fi.ghting them until they were destroyed or their defenders were killed, wounded, or driven out of the batteries by overwhelming numljers. The enemy threw out a heavy skirmish line and sent their fourth brigade to Battery Buchanan, where it ar- rived about 10 p. m., and received the surrender of the gar- rison from Major James H. Hill and Tieutenant George D. Parker. Some fifteen minutes or more l)efore the surrender, while lying on a stretcher near General Whiting in front of the battery, and witnessing the grand pyrotechnic display of the fleet over the ca]Uure of Fort Fisher, I Avas accosted by General A. H. Colquitt, who had been ordered to the fort to take command. I had a few moments' hurried conversation with him. informed him of the assault, of the early loss of a portion of the work and garrison, and that when I fell it had for a time demoralized the men, Imt that the enemy was equally demoralized by our unexpected resistance ; and I as- ,roR, uOWK ••• BOMBARDMENT OF FORT FISHER. The Defence of Fort Fisher. 235 siired him that if Bragg would even tlieu attack, a fresh bri- gade landed at Battery Buchanan could retake the work. Some officer suggested that the general should take me with him, as I was probably fatally wounded, but I refused to leave, wishing to share the fate of my garrison ; and desir- ing that my family, anxiously awaiting tidings across the river, where they had watched the battle, should not be alarmed, I spoke lightly of my wound. I asked him to carry General Whiting to a place of safety, as he had come to the fort a volunteer. Just then the approach of the enemy was reported, and Colquitt made a precipitate retreat, leaving Whiting behind.'^ One more distressing scene remains to be chronicled. The next morning after sunrise a frightful explosion occurred in my reserve magazine, killing and wounding several hun- dred of the enemy and some of my own wounded officers and men. The magazine was a frame structure 20 x 60 feet and 6 feet high, covered with IS feet or more of sand, luxuriantly turfed, and contained probably 13,000 pounds of powder. It made an artificial mound most inviting to a wearied sol- dier, and after the fight was occupied for the night by Colonel Alden's One Hundred and Sixty-ninth j^ew York and by souie of my suffering soldiers. Two sailors from the fleet, stupefied by liquor which they had found in the hospital, and looking for booty, were seen to enter the structure with lights, and a moment after the green mound blew up. The tele- graph -wires, running from a bomb-proof near this magazine across the river to Battery Laml), gave rise to the impression that it had been ])urposely exploded from the opposite shore, but an official investigation traced it to the drunken sailors. So stoutly did those works resist the 50,000 shot and shell thrown against them in the two bombardments that not a magazine or bomb-proof was injured, and after the land ar- mament, with palisades and torpedoes, had been destroyed, no assault would have been practicable in the presence of Bragg's force, had it been under a competent officer. One *General Whiting died a prisoner at Fort Columbus, New York Har- bor, March 10th, 1865. 236 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. thousand tons of iron were gathered by the United States from the works. Had there been no fleet to assist the army at Fort Fisher the i ederal infantry could not have dared assault it until its land defenses liad been destroyed by gradual approaches. For the first time in the history of sieges the land defenses of the works were destroyed, not by any act of the besieging "army, but by the concentrated fire, direct and enfilading, of an immense fleet poured upon them without intermission,^ until torpedo wires were cut, palisades breached so that they actually afforded cover for assailants, and the slopes of the work were rendered practicable for assault. ADDENDA. In a note to the editor Colonel Lamb in writing of the repulse of Butler and Porter in December, says : ''The guns of Fort Fisher were not silenced. On account of a limited sup})ly of ammunition, T gave orders to fire each gun not more than once in thirty minutes, except by special order, unless an attem]>t should l)e made to run by the fort, when discretion was given each gun commander to use liis piece efteetiA'ely. There were forty -four guns. On 2-t De- cember 672 shots were expended ; a detailed report was re- ceived from each battery. Only three guns were rendered unserviceable, and these by the fire of the fleet disabling the carriages. On 25 December six hundred shots were ex- pended, exclusive of grape and canister. Detailed reports were made. Five guns were disabled by the fire of the fleet, making eight in all. Besides, two T-inch Brooke rifled guns exploded, leaving thirty-four heavy guns on Christmas night. The last guns on the 24th and 25th were fired by Fort Fisher on the retiring fleet. In the first- fight the total casualties were 61, as follows: December 24th, mortally wounded, 1; seriously wounded, 3; slightly, lU — 23. December 25th, killed, 3; mortally wounded, 2; severely, 7; slightly, 26, These included those wounded by the exjilosion of the Brooke rifled guns— 38." Colonel Lamb, writing, December, ISS*^, says: "There were never in Fort Fisher, including sick, killed, The Defence of Fort Fisher. 237 and wounded, over 1,!)00 men. The sailors and marines, etc., cajJtured from Battery Buchanan, and those captured in front of the work, while swelling the list of prisoners, cannot rightly be counted among the defenders of the work. ISTo new defense was added to the face of the fort between the bat- tles. The redr)ubt in front of the sally-port was there in Decendier and had been used against Butler's skirmish line." Colonel Lamb, writing to the editor on the subject of the numbers defending the northeast salient, says : "Five hundred effective men will cover all engaged in re- pulsing the naval column, and the destructive fire was from tlie three hundred, who, from the top of the ramparts and traverses, fired upon the assailants. The gallant navy need not exaggerate the number ojjposing them, assisted by the artillery. Xo apology or defense is necessary to excuse the repulse. The unorganized and im])ro}»erly armed force failed to enter the fort, but their gallant attempt enabled the army to enter and olitain a foothold, which they otherwise could not have done." THE OPPOSING FORCES AT FORT FISHER, N. C, JANUARY 13-15, 1865. THE UNION ARHT. Majoe-General Ai^fred H. Terry — Commanding. Second Division, Twenty-fourtji Army Corps — Brig- adier-General Adelhert Ames. First Bri, General Stoneman left East Tennessee, moving by the turnpike leading from Taylorsville, Tenn., through Watauga County to Deep Gap on the Blue Ridge. On 26 Marcli he entered Boone, iST. C, and on the 27th the column A\as divided, one division under General Stoneman marching towards Wilkesboro, vhile the other, under General Gilliam, crossed the Blue Ridge at Blowing Rock and went to Patterson, in Caldwell County, and then joined Stoneman at Wilkesboro. l^eaving Wilkesboro on the 31st, General Stoneman moved over into Surry County, going towards Mt. Airy. During the march through this section of the State, Stoneman's men committed many depredations, and after leaving Wilkesboro a number of the lawless element of his command deserted. Shortly after this a number of men, some deserters from Stoneman's command and other worth- less characters, led by two desperate men, Wade and Sim- mons, completely terrorized a large portion of Wilkes County by their frequent raids. In order to fully understand the situation, the condition of the country at that time must be taken into consideration. Almost every man fit for military service was in the army, and the country was almost completely at the mercy of the robbers. It was thought after Lee had surrendered and the soldiers returned home that these depredations would be dis- continned, but they were not. 286 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. These marauders were divided into two bands. One, led by Simmons, had its headquarters in the Brushy Mountains, and the other, led by Wade, had its headquarters near the Yadkin river in Wilkes County. The bands at times oper- ated together, but it is principally with Wade's band that this article is to deal. The house which Wade had chosen and fortified was situated near the road which leads from Wilkesboro to Lenoir, in Caldwell County, and about a mile from Holman's Ford, where the valley road crosses the Yad- kin river. The house was situated on a high hill, .jeommand- ing a fine view of the Yadkin Valley, and of the valley roady for a distance of a mile above and a mile below the ford. The " house fronted the river on the south while the rear was pro- tected by the 'Tlat Woods" belt, in which there were sympa- thizers if not aiders and abettors of the band. From this position the Yadkin Valley and the surrounding country for at least half a mile in every direction could be swept and con- trolled by Wade's guns. There is a legend that this point was chosen by Daniel Boone as a splendid military post to protect himself against the Indians. At any rate it would have been almost impossible to have chosen a stronger loca- tion, both offensive and defensive, than this. The house Avas built of oak logs, and was two stories high. In the upper story Wade had cut ])ort holes for his guns, which were army guns of the most improved type, and could command the ap- proaches to the house from all directions, making it indeed hazardous to attempt to reach it. This house belonged to some dissolute women by the name of Hamby, and after Wade had fortified it, the name by which it was known was "Fort Hamby." The exact number of men engaged in these depredations is unknown, though it has been stated on good authority to have at no time exceeded thirty. Making this their headquarters. Wade's force began to plunder the surrounding country, and from their cruelty it appears that their object was to gratify a spirit of revenge as well as to enrich themselves. They marched as a well-drilled military force, armed with the best rifles. It was only a short time before they brought the citizens for many miles around in every direction under their dominion. They plundered the A Battle After the War. 287 best citizens, subjecting men and women to the grossest in- sults. Their cruelty is shown by this act : A Avoman was work- ing in a field near Holman's Ford, having a child with her. The child climbed on the fence and the men began to shoot at it, and finally killed it. Emboldened by their success in Wilkes County, they made a raid into Caldwell County on 7 May. Major Harvey Bingham, with about half a dozen young men from Caldwell and Watauga Counties, attempted to rout these marauders from their stronghold at Fort Hamby. On Sunday night after their raid into Caldwell, Major Bingham rnade a well-planned move on the fort, at a late hour of the night. For some reason. Wade and his men were not aware of the approach of Bingham's men until they had entered the house. Wade and his men announced their defenceless con- dition, and begged for their lives. Major Bingham had as- sured Wade, who was a deserter from General Stoneman's command, and who had organized this band of robbers, that his only ]mrpose was to compel them to desist from any fur- ther robbery and insult u]ion the citizens, and it was agreed that no violence was to be done them, and they were to be delivered to the military authorities at Salisbury for trial. This the robbers pretended to be willing to submit to. No guns were seen, and they were, so Bingham believed, his prisoners. They gave Wade and his men time to dress, after which, at a moment when the captors were off their guard, they rushed to their guns, which were concealed about their beds, and opened fire on them. The result was that Clark, a son of General Clark, of Caldwell County, and Henley, from the same county, were killed. The others escaped, leaving the bodies of Clark and Henley. Clark and Flenley were both young men of rare excellence of character. Major Bingham himself narrowly escaped being a victim of this treachery. The robbers, being encour- aged by the failure to dislodge them, began to enlarge the territory wdiich they were to plunder. About a week previous to this Simmons with his band had crossed into Alexander County and had made a raid on Colonel McCurdy, a well-to- do planter. They forced this excellent old gentleman to lead them to the place where his money was concealed, but it 288 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. was not until tliev had tied him to the limb of an apple tree and l^egan to flay him alive that he surrendered and led them to his hidden treasure. About this time Mr. W. C. Green, of Alexander County, who had been a Lieutenant in the Confederate Army, re- ceived news from a friend in Wilkes County that Wade had planned to move into Alexander County and make a raid on his father, Rev. J. B. Green, and to kill him (W. C. Green) if found, ^]r. Green began to fortify his house, barring all the doors witli iron. They also took five negroes into their confidence and these promised to assist in defending the house against Wade. It was found out that they had in the house fire-arms enough to shoot eighteen times without reloading. Weapons were also provided for the negroes. Wade started across the Brushy Mountains on Saturday, 13 May, and reached Mr. Green's that evening about dark. Mr. W. C. Green saw a number of men stop their horses in the road above the house, and he concluded that they were Wade's men. He notified his father, and mustered the ne- groes in the dining hall. All the lights were extinguished, though the moon was shining brightly. Mr. J. B. Green stationed himself at the front door, with a revolver in one hand and a dirk in the other. Mr. W. C. Green took his posi- tion at a window commanding a view of the front gate and porch. The negroes were stationed in the rear part of the house. Three men with guns approached the house in front, one of them being Wade who had on a bright Confederate uniform which he always wore on his raids, posing as a Con- federate soldier when necessary to gain admission into the houses he wished to plunder. The other members of the com- pany' took another route and surrounded the house from the rear, though this was not known at the time. Wade pre- tended that they were Confederate soldiers ; that they had belonged to the cavalry and were now on their way home, having been detained on account of sickness. Mr. J. B. Green told him "he lied, that he knew w^ho he was, what his business was, and that he could not enter his house except over his dead body." Some of the men had by this time come up from the rear A Battle After the War. 289 and were trying to force an entrance. When this fact was made known to Mr. W. C. Green by one of the negroes, he rushed to the rear, knocked out a pane of glass and opened fire on them, wounding one of the. men. This unexpected turn of affairs seemed to frighten them and they all began to retire. Mr. J. B. Green and Mr. W. C. Green rushed into the yard and opened fire on them as they retreated, Wade and his men at the same time returning the fire. They retreated so rapidly that two of the men left their horses. It was found out afterwards that five of Wade's men had passed on down the Cove Gap road to the store of W. C. Lin- ney, where there was some powder and lead, and were w^atch- ing the store. A number of old Confederate soldiers had visited W. C. Linney that night, and remained in the store with him, and though it was only about one mile to Rev. J. B. Green's, they had no knowledge of what was going on there, nor of the action of the five desperadoes who were watching them. It was Sunday morning before the news was circulated. Mr. W. C. Green went to York Collegiate Institute and in- formed several men, and by 10 o'clock twenty-two men, almost all of them Confederate soldiers, had gathered, ready to pursue the robbers. In this party were several officers of tlie Confederate army and they were dressed in their uni- forms. Colonel Wash Sharpe was placed in command of the squad and they started in pursuit. The first news from Wade was A^'hen they reached ''Law's Gap." Here it was found that Wade liad camped in the Brushy Mountains part of the nigbt after the attack on Mr. Green, and about sunrise the next morning had made a raid on Mr. Laws and forced him to give up liis money. He informed the party that two of Wade's men were wounded. The pursuers followed the trail and found that five miles from Wilkesboro Wade's men had left the public road and had taken a shorter route by way of Hix's IMill and Holman's Ford to Fort Hamby. The ford was reached in the evening of 14 May, and after crossing the river, and traveling along the public road for about half a mile, the pursuing party left the public road and followed 19 290 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. a pi'ivate road whicli led to a creek at the base of the hill on which Hamby house stood. In the plan of attack, part of the company under Colonel G. W. Flowers was to approach from the north while the other part under Captain Ellis, was to approach from the south, and then surround the house. In the enthusiasm of the moment all seemed to forget the dan- ger. Colonel Flowei's' men had gotten within seventy-five yards and Captain Ellis' men within twenty yards of the house wjien its defenders poured a voll'ey of minie balls through the port holes. James Polk Linney, only 16 years old, and Jones Brown, about IS years of age, were killed. As the squad that followed Captain Ellis to the south side of the house got within fifty yards of the east end of the house, W. F. Patterson and Burrel Connolly, two Confederate veterans, rushed up the hill to the house, Patterson before, Linney next and Connolly next. When they reached the house I heard the voice of my brother for the last time, say : '^Boys, they are going to shoot." Immediately the gims of the rob- bers were heard and Patterson and Connolly rode away, while Linney sat on his horse ar the east end of the house with his body bent as though he were trying to adjust his spur. Soon he went to the ground still holding the reins of his horse. He was mortally wounded by a ininie ball passing through his head, having entered just below the right eye. The rob- bers gave him no assistance, not even a drink of water, until Monday evening, when he died. Brown was charging up the hill on the west side when he was wounded. Some of the men were compelled to jump from their horses and throw themselves on the ground in or- der to esca])e being shot down. Their horses became fright- ened and breaking loose from them, ran to where Wade's men had their horses. Tavo of these horses were the ones captured from Wade at Mr. Green's. These men did not recover their horses at this time. Under the severe fire the men were compelled to retreat, and when they had retreated to a small stream, Brown, who had been shot, fell from his liorse and died in the presence of Eev. L. P. Gwaltney, who Avas then a boy about the age of Brow]i. ]\rr. Gwaltnev savs: A Battle After the War. 291 ''As we were ap]")roaching Ilolman's Ford the word passed along the line that the honse standing on an eminence to our right was the headquarters of the desperate land pirates whom we were ]mrsuing. Brown looking in that direction, turned and said, 'They are going to fight, sure.' Pointing his finger towai-d a wood above the Hamhv house, some women were plainly to be seen retreating into the woods, ^That,' said he, "means business.' Then, taking his gun from his shoulder and laying it across his saddle, holding it and the reins of his horse with his left hand and laying his right hand on the Imtt of his revolver, he rode silently on. After crossing the Yadkin river a detour of perhaps half a mile was marepare to die.' These were the last words I heard him s])cak. Almost simultaneous with this we began to dismount and a confused retreat began. Passing the spot the writer snatched his revolver and brought it away. Cast- 292 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'6o. ing my eye tOAvard the river I saw Brown still on his horse as he was being assisted across by two friends. Ten paces perhaps from the landing his horse reared and hurled the dying man to the ground. He arose to his feet, staggered once or twice around a small circle, and fell with his face to the earth. The writer was among the last recrossing the stream. Hastening to the spot where my dying playmate lay, I dismounted, gave my reins to Lansing Lowrance, who dismounted and remained with me. Running to my friend, I raised him in my arms. Only a few moments passed, hia eyes closed forever to scenes of blood, the brave heart grew still, and that noble spirit that no face of earthly foe could daunt, passed bravely, grandly into the great beyond." The force was now divided, part having fallen back across the creek, and part having reached the pines east of the build- ing. There Avas no chance to re-unite, and after waiting un- til dark, rlie men withdrew, some reaching Moravian Falls that night. These met the others at "Squire" Hubbard's next morning. In retreating under the severe fire from the fort, the men were compelled to leave the bodies of Linney and Brown. Wade's men afterwards buried them near the fort. These men returned to Alexander County and raised a large company, a strong force having been brought from Ire- dell County under the command of Wallace Sharpe. On Wednesday the force started towards Fort Ilamby. After crossing Cove's Gap, a courier was sent back to Iredell County to request Captain Cowan to raise a company and come to their assistance ; also, another courier was sent to Statesville to an encampment of Federal soldiers to inform them of the condition of things and to ask their assistance. Before reaching Moravian Falls, they received a message from Wade saying, "Com,e on ; I am looking for you ; I can whip a thousand of you."_ It was dark when Holman's Ford was reached. Some one in the woods before the company ordered them to halt. Thp men thought that the order was from some of Wade's ban,d and were about to fire upon them, when it Avas found out that this was a company from Caldwell County, under the command of Captain Isaac Oxford, on the same mission. They had encamped near the ford and had A Battle After the War. 293 thrown out tlieir sentinels. The two companies camped together that night, and next morning marched np the river and crossed at a small ford. They came to the house of Mr. Talbert, who lived on the public road, and there they found a woman dying. She had been shot the day before by the men from the fort, while she and her husband were coming to the ford in a wagon on the opposite side of the river from the fort . — nearly a mile distant. Mr. Talbert begged the men to return, telling them that Wade was expecting them, and had sent for reinforcements. He told them that it Avas impossible to dislodge him, and to make an attempt and fail would make it worse for the people. Captain R. M. Sharpe, of Alexander County, assumed command of both companies, numbering several hundred men. W. E. Gwaltney was sent with a small body of men to reach a high hill, overlooking a creek (Lenoir's Fork), and to remain there while all the others marched around to the north and east of the fort. Gwaltney's men were to be noti- fied by the firing of a gun, when the main body had reached their position. One or two men were seen to escape from the fort before it could be surrounded. They were fired at, but escaped. The supposition was that they had gone to get re- inforcements from the other band. The companies had left their encampment before day and by daybreak the -fort was surrounded, the men being placed about twenty steps apart. The soldiers ke])t up the fire on the fort during the day and night. Wade's men returned the fire, shooting with great accuracy. The soldiers were compelled to keep behind logs and trees, or out of range of the guns. It seemed impossible to take the fort. ''Some of the bravest men were in favor of giving it up, while others said death was preferable to being run over by such devils." One old veteran, James Harvey Connolly, was heard to re- mark, "Well my interest in heaven may not be much, but such as it is I wonld be willing to give it all for a piece of ar- tillery one hour." Thursday morning just before daylight, Wallace Sharpe and two others approached a small house near the log fort, under cover of the night, and Sharpe set fire to it. Wade and his crowd begced for terms. Sharpe in vig- 294 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. orous language, informed them that the death of our young heroes, Clarke, Hcnly, Lijiney and Brown must be avenged. As the flames of this out house began to ascend, all the men surrounding the fort began to rush up. Wade made a rush towards the river, through a body of Caldwell men, who opened lire on him, but as it was yet a little dark, he escaped. Four men were captured. Beck, Church, Lockwood, and one whose name cannot be ascertained. The flames which had caught the fort ^.\'ere extinguished, and in the house was found property of almost every description. Five ladies' dresses and bonnets had been taken for the dissolute women Avlio occupied the house. About twenty horses were found stabled near the fort. Some of the property was restored to the owners. The men who were captured plead for a trial according to the course and ])ractice of the courts. They were informed that they would be disposed of as summarily as they had disposed of Clark, Henley, Brown and Linney. Stakes were put up, and on the way to the place of execution they were given time to pray. They knelt down to pray, but the prayer was, "O, men, spare us." Wallace Sharpe replied : ''Men, pray to God ; don't pray to us. He alone can save you." Cajitain Sharpe requested W. R. Gwaltney to pray, but he re]ilied that he never felt as little like praying in his life. Ca])tain Isaac Oxford said, 'Tf -you will hold my gun 1 will pray;" but instead of praying for the men, he thanked God that they were to be brought to justice and that none of the party had been killed. After this Rev. W. R. Gwaltney offered an earnest ]irayer for them, and then they were shot, "as nearly in strict conformity to military usage as these old Confederate soldiers, under the excitement of the occasion, could conform to." After the prisoners were shot, the fort was set on fire. When the flames reached the cellar, the firing of guns was like a hot skirmish. Wade's men had stored away a great many loaded guns, and a large quantity of ammunition. Wade was seen in the vicinity several days after. He claimed to have been a ^Major in Stonenian's command and a native of Michigan. He said that he had escaped to the Yad- kin river from the fort and had hid under the banks until A Battle After the War. 295 night ; that in searching for him the soldiers had frequently come within six feet of him. On the way back to Alexander County Captain Cowan, from Iredell, was met with a small body of men on their way to Fort Hamby. Also a company of Federal troops, then stationed in Statesville, were met on their way to the fort. They were told what had been done. The Captain ordered three cheers, which the men gave with a good will. The bodies of Linney and Brown were brought back home for final burial. Though all the desperadoes were not brought to justice, this comi^letely broke up their depredations. The most startling thing about tlie Avhole tragedy is this: Major Bingham attacked the robbers and lost two young heroes eleven days before the fort was taken and four of the robbers shot. It seems almost incredible that such a band of robbers should be permitted to plunder a county where 700 men able to wear an helmet, and of sufficient courage to assail any foe, had their homes. The writer inquired of Col- onel Flowers a few days since how he was armed. ''I had a small pistol," said he. So had I. We had no gims of' any value to use upon such a fort, such a strong log wall. The rifles of the robbers were the very best then used in the Fed- eral army. The writer has one of them taken from the fort from the robbers we shot. It shoots with accuracy 1000 yards and the lock to-day appears to be as strong as when first made. The gun weighs ten pounds. The destruction of the band of robbers was at great sacrifice indeed. It put an end to plunder and insult of our people, but the loss of the lives of four of the gallant youths that had survived the war was a dear price to pay for it. Romulus Z. Ltn:s^ey. Taylorsville, N. C, 14 May, 1901. N. C. IN The Navy. CO/^FEDERATE VESSELS IN N. C. 30 APRIL, 1864. INLAND WATERS OF NORTH CAROLINA UNDER COM3IANDER R. F. PINKNEY. Albemarle, — Iron-clad sloop, two guns, Commander J. W. Cooke. Netise*, — Iron-clad sloop, two giins. First Lieutenant B. P. Loyall. CAPE FEAR RIVER, UNDER FLAG OFFICER W. F. LYNCH. Noiih Carolina, — Iron-clad sloop, four guns. Commander W. L. Maury. Raleigh, — Iron-clad sloop, four guns. First Lieutenant J. Pembroke Jones. Arctic, — Floating battery, three guns. First Lieutenant C. B. Poindexter. Yaclkin, — Steam gun-boat, one gun, First Lieutenant W. A. Kerr. Two torpedo boats at Wilmington under construction. (9 Off. Bee. Union and Confed. Navies, 809.) *Later the iVi?H.se was commanded by Commander Joseph Price, a na- tive North Carolinian who distinguished himself in the capture of the Water-Witch in Ossabaw Sound, 3 June, 1864, for which he received his promotion to Commander. — Ed. NAVAL GROUP. 1. J. W.JCooke, Captain. 3. John Newland Maffitt, Commander. 3. James Iredell Waddell, 1st Lieut , Commandintr the " Shenandoah." 4. James Knight Wood, Sailor, on Gunboat •• North Carolina." 5. Gilbert Elliott. Builder of the " Albemarle.'" MORTH CAROLINA NAVY. By ADAM TREDWELL, Acting Paymaster N. C. Navy, Assistant Paymaster Confederate States Navy. The State of Xorth Carolina, more than a month (14 and 15 April) before passing the ordinance of secession, took possession of the forts at Beaufort and below Wilmington and immediately after its passage began the defences of her inland sounds by the construction of forts at Hatteras and Ocraeoke Inlets, and bv the purchase of several small steam- ers, which were converted into gun-boats. After the ordi- nance of secession was passed, her sons, who were in the United States jN'avy, tendered their resignations, and placed their services at the disposal of their native State, prominent among them was William T. Muse, who was or- dered by the Xaval and Military Board, of which Warren Winslow was Secretary, to Xorfolk, Va., to take charge of, and fit out, as gun-boats at the navy yard at N'orfolk, the steamers purchased by the State. The first of them to be placed in commission Avas the Whis- lov\, formerly the J. E. Coffee, a side-wheel steamer, plying between Xorfolk, Virginia, and the eastern shore of Vir- ginia, under command of Captain Patrick McCarrick. When the Coffee was purchased by the State of jSTorth Carolina, Captain McCarrick was commissioned a Master in the Worth Carolina Xavy, and remained attached to her until she was Slink in Ocraeoke Inlet in November, 1861. She mounted one short 32-pounder, and was commanded by Lieutenant Thomas M. Crossan, formerly of the United States ISTavy. Acting under orders he proceeded to Pamlico Sound, IST. C. Upon the outside of Hatteras and Ocraeoke Inlets he preyed on the commerce of the Xorth, and captured a number of ves- sels loaded with difl^erent kinds of merchandise. Prom the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies, Series i. Volume 1, the names of the following vessels are given: Brig Itasca, brig }yiUiam McGilvery, schooners Seawitch, 300 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'6o. Henry Nutt, Nathaniel Chase, Herbert Manton, Transit, and brig Hannah Balch. Mr. Jas. W. McCarrick, of ISTor- folk, Va., who was a master's mate in the North Carolina Navy, attached to the steamer Winsloic, says "that the brig Hannah Balch when captured, was in charge of a prize crew, commanded by Past Midshipman Kantz, now a Rear Ad- miral in the United States Navy. This brig loaded with sugar and molasses, had been captured by a Federal vessel, while attempting to enter harbor at Savannah, Ga., and put in charge of the prize crew." The vessels captured were sent to New Bern, N. C, where they were condemned as prizes. The State of North Carolina paid the officers and crew of the Winsloiv full prize money. The next steamer sent out was the Beaufort, mounting one long 32-pounder, commanded by Lieutenant W. C Duvall. On 9 July hoisted ensign, and put the Beaufort in commis- sion, after taking on powder and other equipment, proceeded under orders to her station in Pamlico Sound. "On 21 July when off Oregon Inlet Lieutenant Duvall reports the first naval engagement with the Federal forces. The Federal ves- sel was a large three-masted propeller, carrying a battery of eight guns, one rifle cannon forward and aft, working on pivots, position taken by this vessel was not over 11/4 miles from the Beaufort,ivom where she opened fire across a narrow strip of land. Her shots were replied to by the Beaufort; firing was kept up as long as the gun could be elevated suf- ficient to graze the sand hill. The enemy not fancying the shots, withdrew behind the high sand hills, where she was out of range. On 30 July, came to anchor opposite Island of Portsmouth." The steamer Ealeigh was next fitted out, mounting one 32- pounder. July 22 Lieutenant Commanding J. W. Alexan- der was ordered to command her. The Ellis, mounting one 32-pounder, commanded by Com- mander W. T. Muse, sailed from Norfolk 2 August, 1861, arriving off Ocracoke Inlet the 4th. The capture of these vessels by the Winsloiv produced an outcry from the commercial circles of the North, which no doubt called the attention of the naval authorities to the ne- North Carolina Navy. 301 cessity of blocking tlie inlets leading into the North Carolina sounds. In the early part of the Summer of 1861, the naval author- ities of the North, seeing the advantage of taking possession of these inland waters of North Carolina, commenced the preparation of a naval expedition, and the work had so far progressed as to enable the expedition to sail on 26 August. The expedition consisted of the frigate Alinnesota, flagship of Flag Officer Stringham; steam frigate Wabash, steamers MonticellOj, Paivnee and Harriet Lane. The army accom- panying this expedition was in command of General B. F. Butler. On the 28th the frigates Cumberland and Susque- hana joined the fleet, and with the Wabash, opened Are on Fort Clark, which was abandoned 28 August, after standing the bombardment two and a half hours, the garrison falling back to Fort Hatteras. Early in the morning of the 28th, news reaching Ocracoke Inlet of the attack on forts at Hatteras, Commander Muse immediately made preparations for embarking the troops sta- tioned on the Island of Portsmouth (being part of Seven- teenth Regiment, N. C. T. ) taking on his vessel Captain Sharp's company. Remainder of the troops were taken on board of schooner in tow of steamer. The Ellis weighed anchor about 11 o'clock a. m. Commander Muse proceed- ing with all dispatch to the assistance of the forts, arriving early in the afternoon of the 28th. After landing Captain Shai'p's company, assisted in landing the troops from the ves- sel, and ammunition from the Winsloir just arrived. Com- mander Muse having sent ashore all of the ainmunition he could spare from his ship. All of this work was accom- plished under direct fire from the Federal fleet, without any damage being done. Flag officer Barron, who was in com- mand of the naval forces, arrived on the Winslow. Imme- diately after his arrival, Flag Officer Barron landed, and went into Fort Hatteras, "when at the request of the com- manding officer. Major W. S. G. Andrews, he assumed com- mand. Colonel Martin, of the Seventeenth North Carolina, being completely exhausted from his previous day's fighting." 302 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. See Flag Officer Barron's report, Union and Confed. Navies, Series 1, Vol. 6', page 139. During the night of the 28th, Lieutenant W. H. ]\[ur- daugh, formerly of the United States Navy, and Lieutenant William Shar]-), formerly of the United States Navy, with Midshipman Statford, of the Ellis, landed and went into the fort and took charge of gun Xo. 8, which was mounted on a navy gun carriage. Early in the morning of the 29th the Federal fleet opened fire on the fort, and kept up an inces- sant fire, throwing 9, 10 and 11 inch shells. From the posi- tion taken by the Northern fleet the guns from Fort Hatteras were unable to reach them. After standing the heavy fire from the ship for more than three hours, the commanding officer, seeing that to hold out longer would only entail heavy loss of life, without his being able to inflict any damage to the enemy, wisely decided to surrender, and about noon, hoisted a white flag. In the meantime the officers and men, who succeeded in getting out of the fort, were taken aboard the Wi7isloii', commanded by Commander Arthur Sinclair, who had succeeded Lieutenant T. M. Crossan, among them Lieutenant Murdaugh, who had his left arm shattered during the bombardment. After the surrender of Fort Hatteras, the Harriet Lane, in attempting to cross the Inlet, grounded, and remained ashore several days. Flag Officer Stringham, in his report. Union and Confed. Navies, Series 1, Vol 6, parje 122, says "that General Butler, on the steamer Fanny, went into the inlet to the rear of tlie forts to take possesion, and about 2:30 p. m., returned to the flagship, bringing with him three senior officers, viz. : Sam- uel Barron, Flag Officer C. S. N, commanding naval defences of North Carolina and Virginia ; William F. Martin, Colo- nel of the Seventh Regiment North Carolina Volunteers ; Major W. S. G. Andrews, commanding Forts Hatteras and Clark. The officers and troops captured were carried North on the flagship Minnesota." See Commander Rowan's let- ter to Warren Winslow, Esq., Military Secretary, same vol- ume at page 155. The Ellis returned to the Island of Portsmouth, and taking on board the officers' wives and other families sojourn- North Carolina Navy. 303 ing there, proceeded to Washington, North Carolina, arriv- ing there on the afternoon of the 30th. The Winsloir and other ships were ordered to New Bern, N. C. Flag Officer Wm. F. Lynch having been ordered to com- mand the naval defences of North Carolina and Virginia, ordered Commander Mnse to keep close watch from the mouth of the Pamlico river. Similar orders were given to Lieutenant Commander "W. 11. Parker, commanding the Beaufort, to keep a lookout from the mouth of the Neuse river. On 29 October the Ellis left Pamlico Point for New Bern. On the 30th Lieutenant-Commander J. W. Cooke took command of the Ellis, Commander Muse being ordered to the command of the naval station at Wilmington, when the propeller. Uncle Ben, was fitted out as a gun-boat, and sta- tioned inside of New Inlet. The Uncle Ben, as I remember, was turned over to the Confederate Government by the State of North Carolina. The vessels under Flag Officer Lynch were assembled in the sounds of North Carolina, where he cruised to intercept any steamer that might be found in the sounds. "On the afternoon of 1 October, the Federal steamer Fanny, mounting two rifled cannon and loaded with ammu- nition and supplies for the Federal forces at Loggerhead In- let, was sighted. After an engagement Avith the Curlew, Baleigh and Junalusl'i, lasting fifty- five minutes, the Fanny surrendered." See Colonel Wright's report. Union and Con- fed. Navies, iSeries 1, Vol. 6, page 218. This was the first naval success in North Carolina, and the first capture made of an armed vessel of the enemy. I am indebted to Mr. Lames W. McCarrick, of Norfolk, who was a master's mate in the North Carolina Navy, for the following, in reference to the saving of the officers and crew of the French corvette Proney: "On 4 November, 1861, the French Corvette Proney, Com- mander DeFontanges, was wrecked at Ocracoke Inlet. The steamer ^yinslou', Master Patrick McCarrick, commanding, 304 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. went to their assistance, and coming into Ocracoke Inlet, she struck on the wreck of a sunken vessel and was sunk. The officers and crew of the Proney and 'Winslow were taken off by the Curlew, Lieutenant-Commander Thomas T. Hunter, without the loss of a man. Commander DeFontanges and his officers were carried to jSTorfolk, where they were cordially and hospitably received by the naval officers and citizens. The French Vice Consul, Leon Schisano, of TsTorfolk, Va., formally thanked Master McCarriok, his officers and crew for the rescue." The land and naval fight at Roanoke Island took place on 7 and 8 February, 1862, the odds being greatly against the Confederate forces. The fleet under Commodore Lynch was composed of eight small steamers and one schooner, each steamer being mounted with one 32-pounder and the schooner with two 32-pounders. The following are the names of the vessels: The Seabird (Commodore Lynch's flagship), Lieu- tenant-Commanding Patrick McCarrick; Curlew, Lieuten- ant-Commander Thomas T. Hunter; Ellis, Lieutenant-Com- mander J. W. Cooke; Appomattox, Lieutenant-Commander C. C. Simms ; Beaufort, Lieutenant-Commander W. H. Par- ker; Raleigh, Lieutenant-Commander J. W. Alexander; Fanny, Midshipman Commanding Taylor ; Forest, Lieuten- ant-Commanding James L. Hoole; and the schooner Blach Warrior, Lieutenant Harris. The enemy's fleet consisted of about thirty gun-boats mounted with guns of 9, 10 and 11- inch calibre. The fight lasted through the entire day. All of the ammunition of the fleet having been exhausted, at night Commodore Lynch called a consultation of his officers, when it was decided to fall back to Elizabeth City, which was done during the night, arriving there on the morning of the 8th, when Commodore Lynch sent express to ISTorfolk for more ammunition, which he received the next day. On the morning of the 10th the fleet, under Commodore Rowan, "renewed the fight off Elizabeth City, N. C, when after a desperate resistance all of the vessels were either cap- tured or sunk, with the exception of the Raleigh and Beau- fort, which escaped, passing through the canal, arriving in North Carolina Navy. 305 safety at Norfolk, where they were heard from again in the naval engagement in Hampton Roads between the United States ships and the Confederate States iron-clad Virginia. The Beavfort at this time was in command of Lieutenant William Sharp, who was captured at the fall of Hatteras, but who in the meantime had been exchanged. I here append the official reports of Flag Officer W. F. Lynch and Lieutenant-Commander J. W. Cooke. Report of Flag Officer Lyxch^ C. S. Navy, Comaeaxd- iNG Naval Defences of North Carolixa and Virginia. {Official Records Union and Confed. Navies, Series 1, Vol. 6, Page, 59 Jf.) ''Petersburg, Va., 18 February, 1862. '"Sir : — I have the honor to report that the enemy on the Tth instant, at 10 :30 a. m., made an attack upon the squadron under my command and the battery at Pork Point, Roanoke •Island. His force consisted of from 80 to 100 sail, of wdiich 22 heavy steamers and one tug constituted the attacking force. This last division was again subdivided, one portion assailing us and the other the battery ; but whenever we approached too near, the fire of the whole, except two or three close in- shore, would be concentrated upon us. As his force was overwhelming, we commenced the action at long range, but as our shells fell short, whilst his burst over and around us, we were eventually compelled to lessen the distance. "The fight lasted continuously until 5 p. m., when the en- emy withdrew foi- the night. The soldiers in the battery sus- tained their position under a terrific fire with a gallantry which won our warmest admiration. At times the entire battery would be enveloped in the sand and dust thrown up l)y shot and shell, and jet the casualties were only one man killed and three wounded. The earthwork, however, was very much cut up, but doubtless repaired during the night. I deem it proper to say thus much of the battery, because, in all probability, this communication will reach you before in- telligence is received from tlie appropriate official source. "Repeatedly in the course of the day I feared that our 20 306 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. little squadron of seven vessels would be utterly demolished, lont a merciful Providence preserved us. Master-Coimnand- :ing Hoole, of the Forrest, received a wound in the head which "was at first pronounced serious, if not mortal, but 1 trust that "this promising young officer, who so bravely fought his ship, will be spared to the service. IMidshipman Camm, acting as executive officer of the Ellis, had his left arm shot off, and the right arm of Seaman Ely, of the Curlew, was fractured. These, with three others slightly wounded, constitute the sum of our personal casualties. Our physical ones were seri- ous. About 2:30 p. m., a heavy shell perforated the deck of the Curlew, passed through the magazine, and, driving out one of the iron plates, of which her bottom consists, caused her to fill so rapidly as to make it necessary to run toward the shore, near which she sank. About the same time the Forrest was disabled by the displacement of her propeller. We received other injuries from shot and shell (one of the latter passing through the flagship, but above the water line), but none of a serious character. ^'Witli the exception of the vessels named, we could have been prepared for action the ensuing day, if we only had ammunition, but I had not one charge of powder nor a loaded shell remaining, and few of the other vessels were better off. In common prudence, I should, perhaps, have reserved some for contingencies, but the battery was so sorely pressed that I felt bound to annoy its assailants as much as possible. During the latter part of the engagement, when our ammuni- tion was nearly exhausted, I sent to the upper battery for a suppl}^, but ten charges were all that could be spared. '"While recovering the rifled gun, and other articles of value from the wreck of the Curleir, I sent Lieutenant-Com- manding Parker with the Beaufort, to the upper battery with a note for the commanding officer on the island, informing him of our shortness of ammunition and of my intention to proceed to Elizabeth City, thirty-five miles distant, for a sup- ply, and return immediately. "I felt sure that Pork Point Battery coiild hold out, and earnestly hoped that, profiting by the mistake at Hatteras, the enemy, who had landed on a point of marsh, would be at- North Carolina Navy. 307 tacked and defeated during' the night. With this conviction and in this hope, with the Forrest in tow, I proceeded with my little squadron to Elizabeth City for ammunition, but finding only a small quantity there, dispatched Commander Hunter express to JS^orfolk for it. ''There were reasons for retiring on Norfolk, had I known that very little ammunition could be procured at Elizabeth City. But even had I known it, the desertion of that town, situated near the head of the Dismal Swamp Canal, would have been unseemly and discouraging, more particularly as I had urged the inhabitants to defend it to the last extremity, ''In the conflict of the Tth instant Commander Hunter, Lieutenants-Commanding Cooke, Parker and Alexander, and Masters-Commanding McCarrick, Tayloe, Hoole and Harris bravely sustained the credit of the service, and the other officers and most of the crews of the vessels were scarce less zealous than their commanders. To Commander Hunter and Lieutenants-Commanding Cooke and Parker I am par- ticularly indebted. "Lieutenant-Commanding Simms was absent on detached service, and only returned at the close of the conflict, but ex- hibited such an eagerness to participate as to give assurance that if gratified he would have upheld his high rejmtation. "Having procured fuel and ammunition sufficient for two steamers, I left Elizabeth City in the Seahird, with the Ap- poviattox in company-, on the 9th instant for Poanoke Island with the purpose of rendering what assistance we could. At the mouth of the river we met a boat, from which we learned that our forces on the island had capitulated. We then con- tinued on in the hope of rescuing the men stationed at the Croatan floating battery, but were forced to retire upon the appearance of a division of the enemv's fleet, steering to- ward the river. "Immediately upon our return I sent an express to Gen- eral Henningsen and distributed the ammunition between the Seahird, Ellis, Appomattox, Beaufort, Fanny and the schooner Black Warrior, the gun-boats forming in line of bat- tle abreast across the river, a little above the fort, and the schooner moored parallel with and close to the eastern shore, 308 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. opposite to Cobb's Point Battery, the latter consisting of four smooth-bore 32-pounders. The Curlew our largest steamer, had been sunk during the engagement off Roanoke Island; the Forrest was on the ways in Elizabeth City, un- dergoing repairs, and the Raleigh I had the day before sent up the canal to expedite forwarding ammunition from Nor- folk. Shortly after daylight on the 10th the enemy ap- peared in sight, and it was reported by the lookout that he was landing troops below. I immediately went to the bat- tery to arrange for its defence, and found it ungarrisoned, in charge of a civilian and seven militiamen. As the bat- tery was our principal reliance, and the enemy must pass it before reaching the gimboats, I determined to defend it in person, and sent for Lieutenant-Commanding Parker, of the Beaufort, to bring on shore his ammunition, officers and crew, leaving only sufficient of the latter to take that vessel up to the canal. We at first manned three of the guns with the aid of the militiamen, but they speedily deserted, and we fought with only two 32-pounders. The enemy advanced very boldly and, contrary to my expectation, instead of tak- ing position as he did at Roanoke Island for the purpose of shelling out the battery, he continued to press on ; in one hour and five minutes succeeded in passing it, and, with full complements of men, closed upon our half-manned gun-boats. ''The commanders of the latter were instructed, when their ammunition failed, to escape with their vessels if they could ; if not, to run into shoal water, destroy the signal books, set fire to the vessels and save their crews. "The Appomattox succeeded in making her escape ; the Seabird was sunk in the action ; the Ellis was overpowered and captured, and the Fanny ran aground and was set on fire by her commander, who brought her crew safely ashore. "By the capture or destruction of the gun-boats the enemy gained positions to enfilade the battery (the guns of which could no longer be brought to bear), bringing the magazine in their line of fire, and as further resistance would have availed nothing, the town being at their mercy, the guns of the battery were carefully spiked and the officers and men deliberatelv withdrawn. North Caeolina Navy. 309 "The Forrest, in obedience to my orders, was burned by her officers before leaving Elizabeth City ; the Ellis was cap- tured; the Beaufort, Raleigh and Appomattox escaped; the Fanny was set on fire and blew up ; and the flagship was sunk, so that of our little squadron of gun-boats, the Ellis (next to the Forrest the most indifferent one) alone fell into the hands of the enemy. Of casualties, I regret to say that Acting Midshipman Jackson and one seaman of the Ellis, and Seamen Ballance and Bragg, of the Sea Bird, w^ere killed and one seaman of the Ellis and Third Assistant Engineer Henderson and four seamen of the Sea Bird were wounded. "The officers exhibited great gallantry, but were not uni- versally sustained by their men, for some of them, being raw recruits, shrank from a hand-to-hand encounter with a greatly su]ierior force. Until better informed, I cannot par- ticularize the conduct of the officers afloat, but will do them full justice in a future communication. "Lieutenant-Commanding Parker, Acting Master John- son, and Acting Midshipmen Gardner and Mallory were with me in the battery, and by cool intrepidity sustained the con- fidence I placed in them. To Lieutenant-Commanding Par- ker I am specially indebted, as well for his brave deportment in battle as for the judicious manner he conducted upward of fifty officers and men from Elizabeth City to Norfolk. Mr. Hinrick, the ei^'ilian mIioui we found in charge of the bat- tery, stood by us to the last, and deserves to be gratefully re- membered. "Wm. F. Lynch, "Flag Officer, Commanding Naval Defences of North Caro- lina and Virginia. "Hon. S. E. ]\Lallory, Secretary of the Navy, Richmond." Report of Lieutexaxt Cooke, C. S. Navy, Commanding C. S. S. Eelis. (Official Becords Union and Confed. Navies, Series 1, Vol. 6, Page 597..) "Waeeenton, N. C, 16 April, 1862. "Sir: — In consequence of being wounded in my right arm, and unable to write, I have until now deferred making out to 310 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. you my official report of the engagements of the 8th (7th) and 11th (10th) of February. "That of the 8th (7th), at Roanoke IsLqnd, commenced about 10:30 a. m., at long range. At 2 p. m., finding all of my ammunition expended, I obtained your permission to be supplied from the Forrest. As I procured that, she had dropped out of the enemy's range in a crippled condition. I very soon expended all that she had, and soon after the Cur- leiv becoming disabled and in a sinking condition, I was again supplied from her, and renewed the attack. At about 4:30 p. m., as we were retiring from the engagement, the firing having generally ceased, Midshipman Camm, the sec- ond in command, had his left arm taken off just below the shoulder by a Parrott shell. He had fired bis eighty-fourth round when wounded, and I can not speak too highly of this efficient and meritorious officer, who had bravely performed his duty throughout the action. I then, by your order, went to the assistance of the Curlew to remove ordnance and ord* nance stores, etc., to the schooner Blade Warrior, for the pur- pose of falling back to Elizabeth City, where we arrived on Saturday morning, and where we were attacked on Monday, the 11th f 10th), by the Federal gun-boats by an overwhelm- ing and overpowering force. In consequence of the width of the river, the enemy were enabled to run down upon us with his entire force, numbering, I think, fourteen gun-boats, any one of which was superior to ours, and of a heavier metal. Being surrounded and boarded by two of the enemy's vessels, and having made every possible effort to resistance, and see- ing that further resistance was useless, I gave the order to blow^ the vessel up, which was prevented liy one of my negro coal heavers discovering it and betraying it to the enemy. I also gave the order for the men to save themselves, if possible, we being very near the shore, one of the gun's crew being killed and several wounded. The rest left the vessel, and, in endeavoring to make their way to the shore. Midshipman Jackson, the second in command (who came on board in the place of Mr. Camm), was wounded, and died in twenty hours on board one of the Federal vessels. Several of the North Carolina Navy. 311 men were also wounded in the water, one, I believe, mortally, William Walker, ordinary seaman. "Midshipman Jackson was a meritorious and promising officer, and the country has sustained a loss in his death. "I must here speak of the efficient services of Mr. Knight (rated as fireinan, but performing the duties of boatswain, gunner, and watch officer) ; Mr. Mayo, the pilot ; also Mr. Bagley, the clerk, and the crew, all of whom performed their respective duties with promptness and efficiency. "After the surrender, I am sorry to say, that the two negro coal heavers and the steward, as also one or two of the men from the Sea BWd, deserted to the enemy, when called upon in my presence to take their parole. "Very respectfullv, vour obedient servant, "J. W. Cooke, "Lieutenant Commanding Ellis. "Plag Officer W. F. Lynch, Commanding Virginia and North Carolina Naval Defences." Commander John N. Maffitt, C. S. N., in his reminiscences (published in United Service Magazine, 1880), writ- ing of the engagement in Albemarle Sound and Elizabeth City, says in reference to the steamer Ellis, as follows : "The Ellis, commanded by James W. Cooke, resisted to the bitter end. Boarders swarmed on board of her. and were met, cutlass in hand, by the dauntless captain who, though badly A\ounded by a musket ball and by a thrust from a bay- onet, fought Avith the fierceness of a tiger, refusing to sur- render or haul down his flag. "Overpowered by numbers he was borne to the deck, and would have been slaughtered on the spot, but for the generous interference of an old associate, who caused him to be safely conveyed to Commodore Row^an's flagship, where extreme kindness was extended. . "The naval battles in Albemarle Sound and off Elizabeth City reflected much credit upon the personal courage of all the Confederate officers therein engaged. With mere abor- tions for gun-boats, badly armed and spare of ammunition, 312 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. they confronted without hesitation the well-equipped and powerful vessels of the North." The officers and crew of the Ellis and Sea Bird captured at Elizabeth City on 10 February, were taken to Roanoke Island and there on the 12th Avere released on parole and allowed to return to their homes to remain until exchanged. Commander W. T. Muse, the first commander of the Ellis, was born in Pasquotank county, N. C, and entered the ser- vice of the United States Navy as midshipman. He resigned on the secession of his native State, having attained to the rank of Commander. J. W. Cooke, who succeeded Commander Muse in the Ellis, was born at Beaufort, N. C, and entered the United States Navy as a midshipman. After being exchanged he was sent to Edward's Ferry, on the Roanoke river, to superintend the building by Gilbert Elliott, of the iron-clad Alheinarle, and which vessel he afterwards commanded and fought with such gallantry at Plymouth, N. C. Thomas M. Crossan was of l^orthern birth, but having married a lady from North Carolina, on the secession of the State he cast his fortunes with her, and noble service did he perform as the first commander of the Minslow, and after- wards as commander of the North Carolina blockade-runner Ad-Tuncc, which successfully ran the blockade a number of times, bringing in the much needed supplies for the North Cai'olina troops in the fields. Master McCarrick, who succeeded Commander Crossan and Sinclair as connnander of the steamer AYvnsloiv, was of Irish birth, lived in Norfolk, and on the purchase of his ves- sel by the State of North Carolina, he entered her navy as a master, and up to the day of his death was a great admirer of the Old North State. Vice Consul Schisano's letter of thanks for assistance rendered the French Corvette Pronej is still in possession of the McCarrick family. Lieutenant-Commander J. W. Alexander, formerly of the United States Navy, commander of the Rale igk, Avas born in Lincoln county. North Carolina. He was captured off Sa- vannah in 18G3, and taken to Fort Warren, whence he made North Carolina Navy. 313 a thrilling, but ineffectual, attempt to escape, an account of which is given by him in this work. In writing this sketch I have endeavored only to follow those boats which composed the North Carolina Navy, and which the State turned over to the Confederate States Navy. Adam Tredwell. Norfolk, Va.. 28 October, 1901. Note. — Captain Adam Tredwell was Secretary to Commodore Muse and Acting Paymaster in North Carolina Navy. In 1862 he was com- missioned Assistant Paymaster in the Confederate States Nav}^ and attached to the Staff of Commodore W. F Lynch and Commodore E F. Pinckney with headquarters at Wilmington, N. C. Since the war he has been and is now one of the most prominent business men of Norfolk. North Carolina's Navy consisted of the seven vessels first above named. She sold and transferred them to the Confederate Navy in the fall of 1801.— Ed. ADDENDA. No adequate Roster of the North Carolinians, other than officers, serving in the Confederate Na\'y has been kept. In Moore's Roster, Vol. 4, p. 443--448 is an imperfect roll of the North Carolina rank and file in Navy service. In Vol. 4 of this work at page 402 is a scant reference to the North Carolinians serving in the Naval Battalion. No doubt, those in the Navy formed a considerable part of the ^'3,100 men from this State serving in other commands and not. borne on our rolls" which were reported by the Adjutant General 19 November, 1864. Editor. W^^ THE Rfln ALBEMARLE." HER CONSTRUCTION AND SERVICE. By Her Builder, GILBERT ELLIOTT,* Adjutant 17th N. C. T. During the Spring of 1863, having been previously en- gaged in unsuccessful efforts to construct war vessels, of one sort or another, for the Confederate Government, at different points in Eastern Korth Carolina and Virginia, I undertook a contract with the Navy Department to build an iron-clad gun-boat, intended, if ever completed, to operate on the waters of Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds. Edward's Ferry on the Eoanoke river, in Halifax County, North Carolina, about 30 miles below the town of Weldon, was fixed upon as the most suitable for the purpose. The river rises and falls, as is well known, and it was necessary to locate the yard on ground suf- ficiently free from overflow to admit of uninterrupted work for at least twelve months. No vessel was ever constructed under more adverse circumstances. The shipyard was es- tablished in a corn field, where the ground had already been marked out and planted for the coming crop, but the owner of the land, W. R. Smith, Esq., was in hearty sympathy with the enterprise, and aided me then and afterwards, in a thou- sand ways, to accomplish the end I had in view. It was next to impossible to obtain machinery suitable for the work in hand. Here and there, scattered about the surrounding country, a portable saw mill, blacksmith's forge, or other ap- paratus was found, however, and the citizens of the neighbor- hoods on both sides of the river were not slow to render me Note. — Gilbert Elliott was born at Elizabeth City, 10 December, 1843, and hence was only 19 years of age when he nndertook to bnild the Al- bemarle After the war he practiced law in Norfolk, Ya., St. Lonis and New York. He was a brother of Captain < harles G. Elliott, A. A. G., of the Martin-Kirkland brigade and of Warren G. Elliott, now President of the W. & W. R R. Company. He died at Staten Island. N Y.. 9 May, 1895. This article appeared in the "Century" Magazine, July " by whose kind permission it is reproduced here. — Ed. 316 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. assistance, but co-operated, cordially, in the completion of the iron-clad, and at the end of about one year from the laying of the keel, during which innumerable difficulties were over- come by constant application, determined effort, and inces- sant labor, day and night, success crowned the efforts of those engaged in the undertaking. Seizing an opportunity offered by comparatively high water, the boat was launched, though not without misgiv- ings as to the result, for the yard being on a Ijluff she had to take a jump, and as a matter of fact was ''hogged" in the at- tempt, but to our great gratification did not thereby spring a leak. The plans and specifications were prepared by John L. Porter, Chief Constructor of the Confederate Navy, who availed himself of the advantage gained by his experience in converting the frigate Merrimac into the iron-clad Virginia at the Gosport navy yard. The Albemarle was 152 feet long between perpendiculars; her extreme width was 45 feet ; her depth from the gun-deck to the keel was 9 feet, and when launched she drew 614 feet of water, but after being ironed and completed her draught was about 8 feet. The keel was laid, and construction was commenced by bolting down, across the center, a piece of frame timljer, which was of yellow pine, eight hj ten inches. Another frame of the same size was then dovetailed into this, extending outwardly at an agle of 45 degrees, forming the side, and at the outer end of this the frame for the shield was also dovetailed, the angle being 35 degrees, and then the top deck was added, and so on around to the other end of the bot- tom beam. Other l>eams were then bolted down to the keel, and to the one first fastened, and so on, working fore and aft, the main deck Ijeams being interposed from stem to stern. The shield was 00 feet in length and octagonal in form. When this part of the work was completed she w^as a solid boat, built of pine frames, and if calked would have floated in that con- dition, Init she was afterwards covered with 4-inch planking, laid on longitudinally, as ships are usually planked, and this was properly calked and pitched, cotton being used for calk- ing instead of oakum, the latter being very scarce and the The Ram "AlbExMarle." 317 former almost the only article to be had in abundance. Much of the timber was hauled long distances. Three portable saw mills were obtained, one of which was located at the yard, the others being moved about from time to time to such grow- ing timber as could be procured. The iron plating consisted of tw^o courses, 7 inches wide and 2 inches thick, mostly rolled at the Tredegar Iron Works, Richmond. The first course was laid lengthwise, over a wooden backing, 16 inches in thickness, a 2-inch space, filled in with wood, being left between each two layers to afford space for bolting the outer course through the whole shield, and the outer course was laid flush, forming a smooth surface, similar to that of the Virginia. The inner part of the shield was covered with a thin course of planking, nicely dressed, mainly with a view to protection from splinters. Oak knees w^ere bolted in, to act as braces and suj^ports for the shield. The armament consisted of two rifled "Brooke" guns mounted on pivot-carriages, each gun working through three port-holes, as occasion required, there being one port-hole at each end of the shield and two on each side. These Avere pro- tected by iron covers lowered and raised by a contrivance worked on the gun-deck. She had two propellers driven by two engines of 200-horse poAver, each, with 20-inch cylinders, steam being supplied by two flue boilers, and the shafting was geared together. The sides were covered from the knuckle, four feet below the deck, Avdtli iron plates two inches thick. The prow was built of oak, running 18 feet back, on center keelson, and solidly bolted, and it was covered on the outside with iron plating, 2 inches thick, and, tapering off to a 4-inch edge, formed the ram. The work of ]iutting on the armor was prosecuted for some time under the most disheartening circumstances, on account of the difficulty of drilling holes in the iron intended for her armor. But one small engine and drill could be had, and it required, at the best, twenty minutes to drill an inch and a quarter hole through the plates, and it looked as if we would never accomplish the task. But "necessity is the mother of invention," and one of my associates in the enterprise, Peter 318 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. E. Smith, of Scotland Xeck, Xortli Carolina, invented and made a twist-drill with which the work of drilling a hole could be done in four minutes, the drill cutting out the iron in shavings instead of fine powder. For many reasons it Avas thought judicious to remove the boat to the town of Halifax, about twenty miles up the river, and the Avork of completion, putting in her machinery, arma- ment, etc., was done at that point, although the actual finish- ing touches Avere not given until a fcAv days before going into action at Plymouth. Forges Avere erected on her decks, and blacksmiths and car- penters Avere kept hard at Avork as she floated down the river to her destination. Captain James W. Cooke, of the Confederate XaAy, a na- tiA^e of North Carolina, Avas detailed by the department to Avatch the construction of the A'essel and to take command Avhen she Avent into commission. He made eA^ery effort to hasten the completi<:)u of the boat. He Avas a bold and gallant officer, and in the battles in Avhich he subsequently engaged he proA''ed himself a hero. Of him it Avas said that ''he aa'ouM fight a poAvder magazine Avith a coal of fire," and if such a necessity could by any possibility liaA^e existed he Avould, doubtless, liaA'e been equal to the occasion. In the Spring of 1864 it had been decided at headquarters that an attempt should be made to recapture the tOAvn of Ply- mouth. General Hoke Avas j^laced in command of the land forces, and Captain Cooke received orders to co-operate. Ac- cordingly Hoke's Division proceeded to the vicinity of Ply- mouth and surrounded the toAvn from the river above to the river beloAv, and preparation Avas made to storm the forts and breastAvorks as soon as the Albemarle could clear the river front of the Federal Avar vessels protecting the place AA^ith their guns. On the morning of 18 April, 1864, the Albemarle left the toAvn of Hamilton and proceeded doAATi the river tOAvards Ply- mouth, going stern foremost, Avith chains dragging from the boAv, the rapidity of the current making it impracticable to steer with her head down stream. She came to anchor about three miles above Plymouth, and a mile or so above the bat- The Ram "Albemarle." 319 tery on the bluff at Warren's jSTeck, near Thoroughfare Gap, where tor^Dedoes, sunken vessels, piles, and other obstructions had been placed. An exploring expedition was sent out, un- der conunand of one of the Lieutenants, which returned in about two hours, with the report that it was considered impos- sible to pass the obstruction. Thereupon the fires were banked, and the officers and crew not on duty retired to rest. Having accompanied Captain Cooke as a volunteer aide, and feeling intensely dissatisfied with the apparent intention of lying at anchor all that night, and believing that it was "then or never" with the ram if she was to accomplish any- thing, and that it would be foolhardy to attempt the passage of the obstructions and batteries in the day time, I requested permission to make a personal investigation. Captain Cooke cordially assenting, and Pilot John Luck and tw^o of the few experienced seamen on board volunteering their services, we get forth in a small lifeboat, taking with us a long pole, and arriving at the obstructions proceeded to take sounding. To our great joy it was ascertained that there was ten feet of water over and above the obstructions. This was due to the remarkable freshet then prevailing ; the proverbial "oldest in- habitant" said, afterwards, that such high water had never before been seen in Roanoke river. Pushing on down the stream to Plymouth, and taking advantage of the shadow of the trees on the north side of the river, opposite the town, we watched the Federal transports taking on board the women and children who were being sent away for safety, on account of the approaching bombardment. With mufiled oars, and almost afraid to breathe, we made our way back up the river, hugging close to the northern bank, and reached the ram about 1 o'clock, reporting to Captain Cooke that it was prac- ticable to pass the obstructions provided the boat was kept in the middle of the stream. The indomitable commander in- stantly aroused his men, gave the order to get up steam, slip- ped the cables in his impatience to be off, and started down the river. The obstructions were soon reached and safely passed, under a fire from the fort at Warren's ISTeck which was not returned. Protected by the iron-clad shield, to those on board the noise made by the shot and shell as they struck 320 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. the boat sounded no louder than pebbles thrown against an empty barrel. At Boyle's Mill, lower down, there was an- other fort upon which was mounted a very heavy gun. This was also safel}' passed, and we then discovered two steamers coming up the river. They proved to be the Miami and the Southfield. The Miami carried 6 9-inch guns, 1 100-pounder Parrott rifle, and 1 24-pounder S. B. howitzer, and the ferry boat Soutlipcld 5 9-inch, 1 100-pounder Parrott and 1 12- pounder howitzer. The tAvo ships were lashed together with long spars, and with chains festooned between them. The plan of Captain Flusser, who commanded, was to run his vessels so as to get the Albemarle between the tAvo, which would have placed the ram at a great disadvantage, if not altogether at his mercy ; but Pilot John Luck, acting under orders from Captain Cooke, ran the ram close to the southern shore ; and then sud- denly turning toward the middle of the stream, and going with the current, the throttles, in obedience to his bell, being wide open, he dashed the prow of the Albemarle into the side of the Southfield, making an o])ening large enough to carry her to the bottom in much less time than it takes to tell the story. Part of her crew went down with her. Of the of- ficers and men of the Southfield, seven of the former, includ- ing Acting Volunteer Lieutenant C. A. French, her com- mander, and forty-two of her men were rescued by the Miami and the other Union vessels ; the remainder were either cap- tured or drowned. The chain-plates on the forward deck of the Albemarle be- came entangled in the frame of the sinking vessel, and her bow was carried down to such a depth that water poured into her port-holes in great volume, and she would soon have shared the fate of the Southfield, had not the latter vessel reached the bottom, and then, turning over on her side, re- leased the ram, thus allowing her to come up on an even keel. The Miami, right alongside, had opened fire with her heavy guns, and so close were the vessels together that a shell with a ten-second fuse, fired by Captain Flusser, after striking the Albemarle rebounded and exploded, killing the gallant man who pulled the laniard, tearing him almost to pieces. Not- The Ram "Albemarle." 321 withstanding the death of Fhisser, an attempt was made to board the ram, which was heroically resisted by as many of the crew as could be crowded on the top deck, who were sup- plied with loaded muskets passed up by their comrades below. The Miami, a powerful and very fast side- wheeler, succeeded in eluding the Albemarle without receiving a blow from her ram, and retired below Plymouth, into Albemarle Sound. Captain Cooke having successfully carried out his part of the programme. General Hoke attacked the fortifications the next morning and carried them ; not, however, without heavy loss. Ransom's Brigade alone leaving 500 dead and wounded on the field, in their most heroic charge upon the breastworks protecting the eastern front of the town. General Wessells, . commanding the Federal forces, made a gallant resistance, and surrendered only when further effort would have been worse than useless. During the attack the Albemarle held the river front, according to contract, and all day long poured shot and shell into the resisting forts with her two guns. On 5 May, 1864, Captain Cooke left the Roanoke river with the Albemarle and two tenders, the Bombshell and Cot- ton Plant, and entered tlie Sound with the intention of recov- eriiig, if possible, the control of the two Sounds, and ulti- mately of Hatteras Inlet. He proceeded about sixteen miles on an east-northeasterly course, A\hen the Federal squadron, consisting of seven well-armed gun-boats, the Mattabesett, Sassacus, Wyalusing, Whitehead, Miami, Commodore Hull, and Ceres, all under the command of Captain Melancthon Smith, hove in sight, and at 2 o'clock that afternoon approach- ed in double line of battle, the Mattabesett being in advance. They proceeded to surround the Albemarle, and hurled at her their heaviest shot, at distances averaging less than one hun- dred yards. The Union fleet, as we now know, had 32 guns and 23 howitzers, a total of 55. The Albemarle responded effectively, but her boats were soon shot away, her smoke- stack was riddled, many iron plates in her shield were injured and broken, and the after-gun was broken off eighteen inches from the muzzle, and rendered useless. This terrible fire continued, without intermission, until about 5 p. m., when the commander of the double-ender Sassacus selected his op- 21 522 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. ^ortunity, and with all steam on struck the Albemarle squarely just abaft her starboard beam, causing every timber in the vicinity of the blow to groan, though none gave way. The pressure from the revolving wheel of the Sassacus was so great that it forced the after deck of the ram several feet below^ the surface of the water, and created an impression on board that she was about to sink. Some of the crew became demoralized, but the calm voice of the undismayed captain -checked the incipient disorder, with the command, "Stand to jour guns, and if we must sink let us go down like brave men." The Albemarle soon recovered, and sent a shot at her as- nsailant which passed through one of the latter's boilers, the liissing steam disabling a number of the crew. Yet the disci- pline of the Sassacus was such that, notwithstanding the nat- ■ural consternation under these appalling circumstances, two •of her guns continued to fire on the Albemarle until she drifted out of the arena of battle. Two of the fleet attempted to foul tlie })ropellers of the ram with a large fishing seine which they had previously procured for the purpose, but the line parted in paying it out. Then they tried to blow her up wdth a torpedo, but failed. Xo better success attended an effort to throw a keg of gunpowder down her smoke-stack, or what was left of it, for it was riddled with holes from shot and shell. This smoke-stack had lost its capacity for draw- ing, and the boat lay a helpless mass on the water. While in this condition every effort was made by her numerous ene- mies to destroy her. The unequal conflict continued until night. Some of the Federal vessels were more or less disa- bled, and both sides were doubtless well content to draw off. Captain Cooke had on board a supply of bacon and lard, and this sort of fuel being available to burn without draught from a smoke-stack, he was able to make sufficient steam to get the boat back to Plymouth, where she tied up to her wharf cov- ered with wounds and with glory. The Albemarle in her different engagements was struck a great many times by shot and shell, the upper section alone of the smoke-stack has 114 holes made by shot and shell, and yet fcut one man lost his life, and that was caused by a pistol-shot The Ram "Albemarle." 323 from the Miami,, the imprudent sailor having put his head out of one of the port-holes to see what was going on outside. Captain Cooke was at once promoted and placed in com- mand of all the Confederate naval forces in Eastern Xorth Carolina. The Albemarle remained tied to her wharf at Plymouth until the night of 27 October, 1864, when Lieuten- ant William B. Crushing, of the United States I*^avy, per- formed the daring feat of destroying her with a torpedo. Having procured a torpedo-boat so constructed as to be very fast, for a short distance, and with the exhaust steam so ar- ranged as to be noiseless, he proceeded, with a crew of four- teen men, up the Roanoke river. Guards had been stationed by the Confederate military connnander on the wreck of the South field, whose top deck was then above water, but they failed to see the boat. A boom of logs had been arranged around the Albemarle, distant about thirty feet from her side. Captain Cooke had planned and superintended the construc- tion of this arrangement before giving up the command of the vessel to Captain A. F. Warley. Cushing ran his boat up to these logs, and there, under a hot fire, lowered and ex- ploded the torpedo under the Alberaarle's bottom, causing her to settle down and finally to sink at tlie wharf. The torpedo- boat and crew were captured ; but Cushing refusing to sur- render, though twice called u]:>on to do so, sprang into the river, dived to the bottom, and swam across to a swamp oppo- site the town, thus making his escape ; and on the next night, after having experienced great suffering, wandering through the SM'amp, he succeeded in obtaining a small canoe, and made his way back to the fleet. The river front being no longer protected, and no appli- ances for raising the sunken vessel being available, on 31 Oc- tober the Federal forces attacked and captured the town of Plymouth. The Albemarle was subsequently raised and towed to the Norfolk ISTavy Yard, and after being stripped of her armament, machinery, etc., she was sold, 1.5 October, 1867. Gilbert Elliott. St. Louis, Mo., 20 April, 1888. CAPTURE OF THE UNDERWRITER" y^EV BERN, 2 FEBRUARY. 1564. By B. p. LOYALL, Commander C. S. N. After the fall of Roanoke Island in the winter of 1862, the Federals had control of the sounds of JSTorth Carolina, and of some of the rivers emptying into them. They had occupied all the towns situated on the water, and among them New Bern, which lies at the confluence of the ISTeuse and Trent rivers, occupying an angle between the two — a place easily defended by the power having control of the water. They had built strong earthworks on the land side, stretching from river to river, and had several gunboats cruising about to pro- tect the place on the water side. Among these gunboats one was the Underwriter, which had been a heavy ocean tugboat at New York, and, purchased by the United States Government, had been converted into quite a formidable vessel of war. She w^as the ship that fired the first gun in the attack upon Roanoke Island, where the writer had the misfortune to be captured, and it may be said there was something like the rule of compensation w^hen he had a hand in capturing her. She was armed with two 8-inch guns, one 3-inch rifle and one 12-pounder howitzer, and had a crew of about 85 all told. Picture to yourself a steamer about the size of the Northampton, with very low guards and stripped of her sides or bulwarks, except a wooden rail with rope net- ting from ' that to her deck. The quiet possession of New Bern by the Federals had distressed and worried the patriotic peo^Dle of North Carolina, and General Hoke, than whom there was not a more competent or brilliant officer of his rank in the Confederate army, strongly advocated a quick move- ment upon the place by the army, assisted by the navy on the water, predicting certain success, and large reward in stores, munitions and prisoners. The matter took definite 326 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. shape in January, 1864, and it was decided to send Gen- eral Pickett with as much of his division as might be availa- ble to make the attempt. On Friday, 29 January, 1864, orders were received by the four ships lying at Drewry's Bluff, each to fit out a cutter fully armed for service on a secret expedition. oSTo one in the squadron knew of our destination, except myself and Captain Parker, serving on the Patrick Henry, and we were ordered to take five days' rations. I was put in command of that part of the expedi- tion, with confidential orders to report to Captain John Tay- lor Wood (his naval rank) at Kinston, N. C. To escape notice as much as possible we pulled down James river to the Appomattox, and reached Petersburg before day- light. There w^as a railway train waiting for us, and we hauled our boats out of the water, and, by hard Avork, loaded them on the flat cars before the people were up and about. We started off at once, and it was a novel sight to see a train like that — Jack sitting up on the seats of the boats and waving his hat to the astonished natives, who never saw such a circus before. Many of them had never seen a boat. We reached Kinston on Sunday morning, and immediately got the boats in the water of the Neuse river, dropped down a short distance below the village and put things in shape for the trial of battle. Captain Wood met us at Kinston (where we were joined by three boats fully armed from Wilmington, N. C.) and took command of the expedition. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon we shoved off from the river bank and started down for New Bern, which is about forty miles distant by the river. W^hen we had gotten some tAvo miles below the town orders were given for every man to put a band of white cotton cloth on the left arm, above the elbow, and the name ''Sumpter" was given as the watchword. These precautions are necessary in a night attack, as there are no flags in sight to rally upon. Every man was armed with a cutlass and navy revolver. Before dark the Commander ordered all boats to assem- ble together, and, as we floated down the quiet stream, he of- fered up the petitions from the prayer book to Almighty God Capture of the "Underwriter." 327 for those about to engage iu battle. It was a solemn and im- pressive scene — just as the shades of evening were falling — this unusual assemblage of armed men. Then, with muffled oars a single line was formed, and we pulled with measured stroke down the stream. The river is narrow and full of turns, winding in and out, with low sedgy banks. Here and there huge cyj^ress and water oak trees, which almost lock their heavy branches over the stream. The night was so dark that we could not see each other, and often the leading boat ran into a shoal point, got aground, and the whole line would be jumbled up in a crowd. After 2 o'clock in the morning the river widened, and we began to see better around us. Soon we reached the mouth of Swift C-reek and sniffed the salt air from the sound. Every eye was strained to see a ship. We pulled in the direction of the town of New Bern, and searched in vain to find some- thing afloat, although we got close enough to the wharf to hear talking, probably the sentries on the dock. There was nothing to be done but find some refuge out of sight until next night, but it was hard letting down from the pitch of excitement and expectation we had been under — the unbending of the boAV that had been strung for action. We moved up the river some three or four miles to Bachelor's Creek, where among the reeds and rushes we tried to hide our- selves and rest until next night, and try it again. We felt very uneasy lest we should be discovered, and our purpose known ; for unless our attack should be a surprise, it would be useless and madness to undertake it. ]^o force in small boats, except in overwhelming numbers, can capture an armed ship, unless by taking her unawares. We spent a day of tedi- ous waiting. Officers and men laying low, spinning yarns and talking about our prospects. I happened to hear the talking in one of the groups, where a fine young officer said : "Fellows, where will we be this time to-morrow ?" He was among the killed, and it was such a lesson on the uncertainty of human life. Among those present were Hoge and Gard- ner and Henry Cooke and Gill and Palmer Saunders and Goodwin, from Virginia, and Gift and Porcher and Scharf and Williamson and Kerr and Poby, all trained at Annapolis 328 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. and true as steel — among tliese three were from Norfolk and Portsmouth. In plain sight of us was a tall crow's nest, oc- cupied by a lookout of the Federal army on their picket line, and I assure you it gave us a creepy, uneasy feeling to think that our whole movement and intention might be discovered. And here let me remark that this very situation determines and exemplifies what I judge to be a man of war — a leader who does not allow his -plans to be upset by what he thinks the enemy is going to do. He must be always combative and not calculating chances. Wood paid no attention to doubts and surmises, but had his eye fixed upon boarding and cap- turing that ship, and doing his part in the fall of New Bern. We were in full hearing of Pickett's dashing attack upon the Federal outerworks that day, and knew that he was driv- ing them from the advanced line of fortifications. Before sunset Wood called for the swiftest boat, and, with the writer in company, pulled cautiously down the river, keeping close under the banks. We had not gone two miles, when simul- taneously we both cried : "There she is." We discovered a black steamer anchored close up to the right flank of the outer fortifications of New Bern, where she had come that day, and, having located her exactly, we re- tiTrned to our hiding place, with the understanding that we would attack her between 12 and 4 o'clock in the morning. Orders were given accordingly, and all hands were made to know the order of battle, and what they had to do. In rush- ing pell-mell upon the side of a ship with boats, they naturally rebound and leave a gap that is not easy to get across, so each bow oarsman was ordered to be ready to jump aboard with a grapnel as soon as she struck, and make her fast, and our coolest men were picked for that duty, which you will easily see is risky. Some time after midnight we got under way and pulled slowly down the river in two columns of four boats each, Wood to board her forward with his boats and I to board her abaft with mine. The night was very dark and gloomy, and we could not see a light anyAvhere, except an occasional glimmer about the town, but we knew pretty nearly where the vessel was, and with our glasses in the evening had made out her 1)uild and Capture of the "Underwriter." 329 structure. The stroke of the muffled oars was ahnost noise- less, and suddenly the dark hull of the ship loomed up, and, it seemed almost at the same moment there came from her the shout: *'Boat, ahoy I" Then we heard the loud and cheer- ing cry from ^Vood : ''Give way, boys," which was caught up and echoed along both lines of boats. Then rang out loud and sharp from the ship the rattle, calling the men to quarters for action, and now the fight was on. Xo need for orders now to these disciplined men. I suppose the distance was about one hundred yards, and, while our men were straining at their oars, we heard the sharp click of rifles, and the only reply we could make was by the marines (three or four being in each boat) who delivered their fire with great coolness. It seems to me now that of all the uncomfortable things a fighting man might have to do, that of pulling an oar with his back to his foe must be the most trying and disheartening, but not a man weakened. In less time than is required to tell of this we were into her. Our boat struck the vessel just abaft the wheelhouse, where the guards make a platform, an admirable place for getting on board. The ship's armory, where all the small arms were kept, was in a room just there under the hurricane deck, and they did not stop to reload, but loaded guns were handed to the men, as fast as they could fire. It seemed like a sheet of flame, and the very jaws of death. Our boat struck bow on, and our bow oarsman, James Wilson, of Norfolk, (after the war Avith the Baker Wrecking Company) caught her with his grapnel, and she swung side on with the tide. As we jumped aboard Engineer Gill, of Portsmouth, among the first, was shot through the head, and as he fell dead our men gave a yell, and rushed upon the deck, with the crews of the two other boats close behind. ISTow the fight- ing was furious, and at close quarters. Our men were eager, and as one would fall another came on. Xot one faltered or fell back. The cracking of fi^-e arms and the rattle of cut- lasses made a deafening din. The enemy gave way slowly, and soon began to get away by taking to the ward room and engine room hatches below. Thev fell l)ack under the hurricane deck before the steady 330 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. attack of our men, and at that time I heard the cheers and rush of our comrades from forward, and I knew we had them. They came along from forward with the cutlasses and muskets they had found, clubbing and slashing. In a short time I heard the cry: "We surrender.'' They coukl not stand the force and moral effect of an at- tack like that, and, remember, the}' were not Spaniards we were fighting. Wood gave the order to cease firing, and after a brief con- sultation, we ordered the two firemen we had with us to go down into the engine and fire room to see if they could get her under way and take her up the river, where we might put her in shape, and, as she was the largest vessel at New Bern we could have temporary command of the river. It was in the fight on the forward deck that the intrepid young Palmer Saunders gave up his life for his country. He at- tacked a stalwart sailor with his cutlass and killed him, but had his head split open and a shot in his side. I wish I could relate the deeds of individual prowess and gallantry, but in such a melee as that one has all he can do to keep on his feet and look out for himself. We found the fires banked and riot steam enough to turn the wheels over. At this juncture Fort Stevens opened fire upon our vessel, regardless of their own people. One shell struck part of her lever beam, went through a hen coop near where the marines were drawn up, and passed through her side. Upon further consultation we decided to burn her, and gave the order to man the boats, taking special care of our own and the enemy's wounded, and our dead, and all prison- ers we could get hold of. I thoiTght it very strange that the captain of the vessel could not be found, but upon inquiry among his men we learned that he had been wounded in the leg and had jumped overboard. He was drowned. Poor Palmer Saunders was carefully placed in a blanket, and laid in the bow of my boat, where he could be better sup- ported than aft. He was breathing, but entirely unconscious. Of course, some of the men missed their boats, as nobody Capture of the "Underwriter." 331 stood upon the order of his going in the face of the firing from those forts. After seeing all the boats under my charge get away, we shoved off and pulled away from the ship. The duty of set- ting fire to the Underv:ritei- had been assigned to Lieutenant Hoge, of Wlieeling, a talented young officer of fine attain- ments and undaunted courage. When we had gotten half mile from the ship Wood pulled up towards our boats and asked if 1 had ordered the ship set afire. I said: "Yes," but it looked as if it had not been done successfully. Just then Hoge came along in his boat, and said that he had set fire to her. Wood ordered him to go on board and make sure of it, and he went promptly. Here was trying duty to perform. The forts were firing every few minutes in our direction, wildly, of course, as big guns cannot be aimed well at night, but you never can tell wdiere they are going to strike. In about ten minutes we saw a flame leap out of a win- dow forward of the wheelhouse, where the engineer's supplies were kept, and Hoge pulling away. In a very few minutes the whole expanse of water was lighted up, and you may be sure we struck out with a vim to rendezvous at Swift Creek, about six miles up the river, on the opposite side from jSTew Bern, Avhere Gen-eral Bearing had a small cavalry camp. As we were pulling up we could hear now and then the boom of the guns of the Undenvriter as they were discharged by heat from the burning ship, and just before reaching our landing place we heard the awful explosion of the sturdy ves- sel, when the fire reached her magazine. After daybreak we reached the place on the bank of the creek, where there was a clearing, and landed our cargo of dead and wounded and prisoners. As we were taking Saunders out of the boat he breathed his last, and so passed into the presence of God the soul of that young hero. As soon as the surgeon had made the wounded as comfort- able as possible under the circumstances, the prisoners were drawn up in line to make a list of them. As I passed down the line, a strapping big fellow, without any trousers on and 332 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. barefooted, said: "Mj Lord, is that you?" I looked liim over and recognized him as an old quarter-gunner that had been shipmate with me in the frigate Congress ten -years be- fore, and among the wounded I was called to have a greeting from a young fellow, who had been a mizzen-topman in the same ship, and after the war got me to give him a certificate to secure his pension. Our casualties had been six killed, twenty-two wounded, all of them brought away. Two were missing and afterwards accounted for. The Federal loss was nine killed, eighteen wounded, and nineteen prisoners — about thirty of her crew escaped. The wounded and prisoners were promptly taken care of by General Dearing's command, and sent up to Kinston, Cap- tain Wood proceeded to Richmond at once. As soon as proper arrangements could be made the command was sum- moned to pay the last rite of burial of the dead. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, under the stately pines that bordered the stream, I read the church service for the burial of the dead, and the bodies of our lamented comrades were tenderly laid in mother earth, there to rest until we shall all be summoned to the great assize. General Pickett's plans miscarried, it was alleged, by the failure of one of his brigadiers to make an attack at the ap- pointed time on the Trent river side of the defense. He withdrew his force leisurely and retired upon Kinston. I could never understand wli}' the other giTuboats at New Bern did not attack the Uiiderwriter after her capture by us. Instead of that, two of them got under v/ay and steamed around into Trent river, as fast as they could go. While we were getting ready to abandon the ship, it worried us very much to see one of those boats coming directly toAvard us, but she soon turned and went in the other direction, much to our relief. In speaking of our casualties, it was said that there were two missing, and it was from laughable circumstances. When we took to our boats two of the men rushed to the stern where they saw a boat made fast, and they slided dowm into her. In a few moments other men piled into her, and "shove off" Capture of the "Underwriter." 333 was the word. It soon developed that the boat had eight Yan- kees and two rebels on board, and these two poor fellows set up a fearful cry for help. We heard them howling from our boat, but could not see, nor imagine what it meant. The poor fellows were rowed ashore to IsTew Bern by their Yankee prisoners — so to speak. They were afterwards exchanged and I met one of them in Richmond. He said he never felt so mean in all his life, and he ahnost split his throat halloo- ing for us to get them out of the scrape. The attack upon New Bern was well planned, and we all know that the assault of that intrepid division was irresisti- ble, but here was another case where somebody had blundered. If General Pickett's orders had been carried out, there would have been another exemplification of the power of a navy, by its very absence in this case ; for the neutralizing of the help given by the Underwriter in the defense of ]Srew Bern would have made General Pickett's assault upon the right flank of those defenses a very different affair.* Referring to this capture Admiral Porter, United States Navy, wrote at that time: "This was rather a mortifying affair for the navy, however fearless on the part of the Con- federates. This gallant expedition was led by Commander John Taylor Wood. It was to be expected that with so many clever officers, who left the Federal navy and cast their for- tunes with the Confederates, such gallant action would often be attempted, and had the enemy attacked the forts, the chances are that they would have been successful, as the gar- rison was unprepared for an attack on the river flank, their most vulnerable side." That night our command pulled up to Kinston, tired and fagged from four days of work and unrest, and so we went back to our ships at Richmond. B. P. LOYALL. Norfolk, Va., 2 February, 1901. *NoTE —General Pickett was evidently a favorite at Richmond and the command of this expedition, as of part of the charge at Gettysburg, was given him as opportunity to earn higher promotion. It is not improb- able that impartial history may write him down as unequal to his op- portunities How differently both would have turned out under a leader like Stonewall Jackson, or Pender, or Hoke. — Ed. THE STEAHER AD-VAnCE. By JAMES MAGLENN, Chief Engineer. This steamer, formerly called the "Lord Clyde," running between Dublin and Glasgow, was }uirchased by the State of JSTorth Carolina to carry out cotton and other Southern products, and bring in arms and supplies of clothing and medi- cines for the I^ortli Carolina State Troops, and was named the Ad- Vance.* I joined the ship on her first arrival in Wilmington, and was with her until captured September, 1864, with the ex- ception of one trip made from Wilmington to Nassau and re- turn, serving in different capacities ; first trip as second as- sistant engineer, second trip as first assistant engineer, then as chief engineer, making several successful trips, one to Liv- erpool for repairs, returning to Bermuda in June, 1864, thence to Wilmington. Some of her trips were very exciting and hazardous. On one occasion there were four steamers leaving St. Georges, Bermuda, including the Ad-Vance, for Wilmington. But two of these arrived in Wilmington. One put back to Ber- muda badly disabled ; the other Avas lost in the gale. On this occasion I Avas limited to twelve revolutions per minute for thirty-six hours, or during the severest of the gale, which was just enough for the ship to mind the helm, being head to the gale all this time and water increasing in the hold to such an extent that it got within six inches of the grate-bars. In fact, I thought our time had come and, therefore, informed Captain Wiley hoAv matters were in the engine and fire room, and that "avc could not hold out this way much longer." I suggested to him the importance of turning the ship around and running before the Avind, to enable me to get the Avater *This was said to have had a triple significance, Ad. Vance i. e. (1) To Vance, (2) Ad. Vance in honor of Mrs Vance whose name was Adelaide, (3) As the advance or pioneer ship. — Ed. 336 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'6o. out by working the engines faster. He remonstrated by say- ing that "to attempt such a thing in a night like this would be certain destruction to the ship and all on board, but do the best you can until morning and when the worst comes, I may attempt it in daylight, but I feel confident we will have a change for the better by morning. The barometer has com- menced to rise and is going up rapidly. It is the first time it has made a movement in that direction for two days." Strange to say, by 8 o'clock the next morning, it was per- fectly calm, but a tremendous sea was rolling, which knocked us about considerably. This was the heaviest gale we ever experienced. On our arrival at Wilmington, we made some improvement in bilge and other pumps, which 'was actually necessary to make her seaworthy in anything like heavy weather. The ship was in critical and dangerous positions on divers occasions. Once on the shoals off Fort Caswell where she remained for two or three days in range of the en- emy's guns, but was finally worked off and arrived in Wil- mington without any serious damage. Again, coming from St. Georges, Bermuda, we expected to make Bald Head light about 12 o'clock at night. However, a light was seen ahead about this time, but it proved to be Cape Lookout, and, when this was thoroughly understood and consultation held, Colo- nel Crossan, Captain Wiley, the pilot Kic Moss and Chief Engineer, as to what was best to be done, it was decided that we should try to get in at ISTew Inlet. Failing to get in there, she was to be run on the beach, as we did not have coal enough on board to go back to Bermuda. However, we left Cape Lookout about 2 o'clock on a beautiful October morning, all excitement and ship working at full speed close in to the land, determined to go in or on the beach. It being a little hazy along the line, was something in our favor. Did not see any of the fleet until we passed Wrights- ville and sighted Fort Fisher. As we approached the fort, the gun-boats made for us, firing shot that fell short. At this time we were approaching them very rapidly ; on account of a point of shoal, we had to turn to make the channel inlet. Bv this time their shot were goinc over us, and when Colonel The Steamer Ad-Vance. 337 Lamb's Wliitwortli guns began their firing iipon the fleet, one large steamer, supposed to be the State of Georgia, came rapidly towards us, and when in dangerous proximity, was about to turn to bring her broadside guns upon the Ad-Vance, but a well-directed shot from a 10-inch Columbiad from the northeast salient of the fort crashed into her boAv, when she rapidly backed water and withdrew from the chase, enabling the Ad-Vance to get safely in, amid the shouts of the garrison and the cheers of the officers and crew and the waving of handkerchiefs by tliose on deck of the blockade runner. A number of officers came on board to congratulate us, and Captain Wiley and the Kev. Moses D. Hoge, mIio was on board bringing in a lot of testaments. Bibles and tracts for the soldiers, sent special thanks to Colonel Lamb and his gar- rison for their timely aid. This was considered one of the most daring and gallant feats performed by the blockade-run- ners during the war. ITER LAST TRIP AND CAPTURE. We left Wilmington about 9 September, 1864, Captain Wiley still in command, Avith a full cargo, principally of cot- " ton, bound for Halifax, X. C, and anchored at New Inlet, near Fort Fisher, and in full sight of the Federal fleet of twenty-five or thirty vessels, who, of course, understcjud our designs and would be on the lookout for us that night. Al- though the night was not altogether favorable, we started as soon as the tide would permit. Of course, smoke, sparks and flames from the stack had to be kept down. This was very difficult to do, as our last shovelful of good coal was used shortly after crossing the bar and ill plain sight of some of the fleet. Those that could see us would throw rockets, indicat- ing the direction we were going. Then the dodging on our part and the fre(|uent change of the shi]r's course to keep from running into them. The excitement at this time was very great. Yet all was as quiet as the grave on board and every man was at his post and doing his duty faithfully. The rocket firing and shooting were very heavy, and nothing but good management on the part of our officers could have pulled us safely through the fleet that night. At sunrise there was 22 338 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. nothing in sight, yet onr black smoke was giving ns away. Some of the fleet were following it, and about 8 o'clock a ves- sel was discovered chasing us and appeared to be gaining. Everj^thing possible was done to increase the speed of the Ad-Vancc, but the steaming qualities of the coal were against us. We were using Chatham, or Egypt coal, which was very inferior ; in fact nothing but slate or the croppings of the mine. Our good coal at Wilmington was taken for the Con- federate cruisers, which accounts for our capture. We were in hopes we could evade the pursuing steamer in the darkness of the night, but, in our present condition, she was too fast for us and was able to throw some shot over us some time be- fore sundown, which caused us to stop the ship and surrender. Erom the stopping of the ship to the boarding of the United States officers, some time elapsed, causing an accumulation of steam, which was blowing off very freely. The United States Engineer Corps, seeing the condition of affairs, asked me to have my men haul the fires and arrange to have the boilers supplied with water. I told him I had nothing more to do with the ship and considered him in charge. He then asked if my assistant engineers would go down and attend to this, I pointed them out to him, saying they would answer for themselves and, on their recusal, the Lieutenant ordered us on the bridge on top of tlie boilers, saying : ''If she does blow up I will send you all to eternity." Imagine us sitting on top of the boilers waiting for the explosion. However, we knew there was no immediate danger, if they could succeed in get- ting the jiumps to work, which they did in a short time, and we were relieved from our dangerous position and sent on board the Santiago de Cuba, which captured us. All were examined as to their nationality, many North Carolinians and A''ii*ginians on board claiming British protection. In fact, all on board except two, one from Connecticut and one from Virginia, claimed British protection and all could sound the letter "O" in "home" very broad. Mr. Carter, our purser, was the only one on board that was sworn, and this was on account of the clothing he wore, it being a suit of ISTorth Carolina home-spun. The Captain looked at him from head to foot and vice versa, saving that he was the first The Steamer Ad-Vance. 339 Englishman he ever saw with a suit of clothes of that kind. On our way to Xorfolk, with Cape Henry in sight, Sunday morning we were ordered on deck for prayer (Episcopal ser- vice). During the service our Captain Wiley called my at- tention to the Ca])tain of the Santiago de Cuba, saying the prayers were doing him no good, from the fact that he was turning around every minnte to see if the valuable prize, the Ad-Vance, was coming, and when satisfied that all things were well with her, would turn around again, giving a little more attention to the sermon for a few minutes. We arrived in Xorfolk Sunday afternoon and had the freedom of the city, that is inside the Provost Marshal's limits. We, however, wanted to go ''ome," and had to appeal to the British Consul at Xorfolk. We had some trouble at first, but the Consul finally took our case to heart and wrote a letter to Lord Lyons, stating the way her Britannic Majesty's subjects were treated. This did the work for us and we were permit- ted to find our way "ome" as best we could, without interrup- tion. This was the last I saw of the Ad-Vance, but I have been told by Colonel Lamb that she was turned into a gun-boat, The Frolic, and was in the second bombardment at Fort Fisher, and has been seen several times at Wilmington since the war. Many of the North Carolinians made their way from Nor- folk to Llalifax, N. S., thence to Nassau, where I was ap- pointed Chief Engineer of the steamer Col. Lamh, with Cap- tain Thomas Lockwood in command. We were then ready to run the blockade again to Wilmington, but were informed by an incoming steamer that Forts Fisher and Caswell had been taken. This left no port open for us but Galveston. We then left Nassau for Havana, took on supplies and started for Galveston ; on arriving oft' the bar, it was thought too risky to go in as the wind had been blowing unfavorably for several days, which caused low water in the harbor which would increase the risk of the steamer. On consultation with pilots it was decided not to take the risk ; we then returned to Ha- vana, all ports being now effectively closed, and after making some repairs to the machinery, we were ordered to Halifax, 340 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. N. S., toTiching at jSTassau and Bermuda, arriving at Halifax about 10 April, 1865. While lying in the harbor, Captain Lockwood gave a dina- tion to the iVgents and Confederate friends on Saturday, 15 April, and at sun rise the ship was decorated with flags from stem to stern and the steamer Col. Lamb made a very hand- some appearance, but they were not allowed to remain there long. About 9 :00 or 10 :00 a. m., a British boat was seen coming towards us and pulled alongside. The officer in charge inquired for the Captain. When told he was ashore, he then ordered the flags to be taken down, as it was very un- becoming to be rejoicing over the death of the President of the United States in British waters. When told that they were displayed for another purpose, it made no difference. They had to come down at once. This was news to us and created quite a sensation in the city and the newspapers were full of it for several days on both sides, but is was claimed that the flags should have been allowed to remain, as the news of President Lincoln's death did not reach Halifax until about 9 :00 o'clock that morning, and the flags were up at sun- rise. The surrender having taken place while we were here, it was decided to take the ship to Liverpool. We left here about 5 ]\Iay and had a storiuy passage all the way — in fact a gale of wind carrying away the foremast a few feet above deck, which came near swamping us; then came the remorse of conscience with those of us that belonged on this side of the Atlantic for not going home immediately after the surrender instead of taking this trip. However, we arrived in Liver- pool about 1 June. We remained there a few days and then started for home in the.Cunard steamer China. This being an ocean-going steamer, we felt much safer than iij the Ad- Yance or Col. Lamb. We had a pleasant return trip, arriving in Halifax, iST. S., on 4 July, 1S65, from there to Charlotte, jST. C, where my family resided during the last two years of the war. I found all well and was glad to be home with my famih" once more. Jas. Maglenn-, Hamlet, N. C, 10 September, 1901. jpUBUC LIBRARY- ASTOB, LEN9X AND tVlden foundations^ STEAMER "AD-VANCE/' 1. Tliriinas M. Crossen, Captain, Steamer " Ail-Vance."' ■■i Joliri White, Commissioner to Enjclaiul. 3. James JIaslenn. Chief Engineer. RUNNmC THE BLOCKADE Ofi THE "AD-VAHCE." By rev. MOSES D. HOGE, D. D. Bermuda, Wednesday, October 8, 1863. — x\t 12 o'clock went on board the Ad-Vance (Lord Clyde). My fellow pas- sengers are Rev. Mr. Terr}^, Mrs. Pender, Messrs. Bur- ton, Walker and Reguanlt. Got oft" at 10 o'clock; beauti- ful view of Bermuda as we rapidly sped along. The Clyde a fine and fast vessel. Officers, Colonel Crossen, Captain Wylie (the English Captain) ; First Officer, — . — . ; Surgeon, Dr. Swan ; Purser, Mr. Flanner ; Signal Officer, Mr. Smith. The Colonel is a noble man ; Wylie a warm- hearted Scotchman, though he looks English ever}- inch, big, burly and red faced, full of enthusiasm^full of poetry. Flnnner has good points. I have had some pleasant inter- course with young Smith, who became pious at Hampden- Sidney. We have taken no state rooms on the Clyde, al- though there are a great number of unoccupied ones, but our little company of passengers all stay in the saloon at night. The fare is rather rough, but that is nothing when we have a good shi]) homeward 1)ound. We have been in much trouble on the ship to-day. The coal, which was thought to be very good (Welsh coal, Cardiff) is found to be of very bad quality. This morning we could not get up steam as nsnal. The serious question is discussed whether we had better not return to Bermuda. After run- ning fourteen knots we droj^ped down to five. It is thought to be useless to go on toward the blockaders to ensure a cap- ture. We put tlie vessel about and sailed a while due east, but after a little while the draft increased and the paddles made their former revolutions from twenty to twenty-three per minute. 342 North Carolina Troops, l861-'65. The difficulty was there was a mixture of something like kelp and sand, which melted on the hars of the grates and choked tlie draft, making a deposit they called slag. It waa terribly hard on the firemen to keep them clear. The discipline of this ship is very bad. The sailors came and demanded their bounty the first day, and the second, the firemen came up on the quarter deck, a thing quite contrary to ship etiquette, and made the same demand. They ought to have been paid at once according to custom, but while it was wrong to withhold the money, it was not right for them to demand it as they did. October 9, 1863. — I am now on board the Ad-Vance, (Lord Clyde), about 100 miles from the North Carolina coast. It is 4 o'clock, p. m., and I am sitting on the bottom step of the paddle box, from which I can look down directly into the water and see how beautifully it divides before the bow of the steamer, darting through at a noble speed. This is one of the most pleasant days as to temperature I ever felt, clear, coolish, without being cool and something life-giving in the air. It is a day for thought, a time for review and anticipation. To-night we will know our fate, whether it is to be the bot- tom of the sea, a northern prison, or Richmond. I am not apprehensive, but I know the risks. We have heard nothing from Wibnington. No steamers came out while we were in Bermuda, though several were expected. We may be run- ning into a tra]^ — as we know not what progress the Federals may have made in the way of excluding blockade-runners. We may be damaged by the fire of the fleet, even if w^e succeed in running the gauntlet and although I do not repent coming, and notwithstanding the uncertainty, I have no desire to turn back, yet I know we may be disappointed just on the happy eve of getting home and indeed may never reach it at all. I have spent much time this morning in prayer, in solemn con- secration of myself to God, and in supplication for a spirit of submission to His will. I try to commit myself and my dear family and church to His holy keeping. We have just been mustered on deck and had our places in the boats assigned to us, in case we have to abandon the Running the Blockade on the "Ad-Vance." 343 steamer to-night. I go with Colonel Crossen and Mrs. Pender, and the rest of our boat's crew are firemen and sail- ors. Terry, Burton, "Walker and Regnault go in the other life-boats, the rest of the crew in the two aft boats. This looks like business. It is the purpose to destroy the Ad- Vance and take to the boats if we are intercepted. I should dread capture on my dear wife's account. It would almost break her heart, after our long separation and the sorrow she has borne. (The death of their oldest son while he was in England.— M. R. G.) But I believe the good Providence which brought me out and gave me such success abroad, will open a door for my safe return to my home and work again. Wilmington, ]^. C, October 12, 18G3. — I, now on shore, can complete my notes of this voyage. It had a memorable termination. In the record of the events of the 9th, I stated I was making my last entry (a prayer I did not copy, as it was too personal. — M. P. G.) expecting to get ashore that night. We were disappointed, however. Although the Cap- tain and Colonel made an observation at 12 M., they failed to detect the fact that the current of the Gulf Stream had swept us far to the north of our course. About 9 o'clock at night we saw a light and the dim outline of the land. At first it was thought to be the signal light near Port Fisher, and Mr. Smith wanted to make signals, but after long inspection, dis- covered that it was a light-house. We then changed our course southward and ran along shore, all night in doubt as to where we were. Colonel C. once thought we might be south of the entrance to Wilmington and running toward Charles- ton. This show^s how completely at sea we were ! Wben it grew light enough to see the coast more plainly, our officers recognized certain localities on Masonboro Sound, the salt works, etc., and we ascertained we had just made the land north of Cape Lookout, 80 miles from the point Ave expected to strike. Colonel Crossen prepared to run up near enough to see which blockaders were within view and I supposed he would then stand out to sea and lie off until night and then run in at his leisure, but to my astonishment, although it was about 8 o'clock in the morning, the sun shining brilliantly 344 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. and the sea level as a floor and three blockaders guarding the entrance, he steamed straight on toward Fort Fisher. The blockaders seemed confused for a few moments by the audac- ity of the movement, but presently they came about and all three struck for the shore, intending to cut us off. They came on very speedily, but finding that we were running so swiftly they opened upon us with shrapnel, shell and solid shot. It was a scene of intense excitement. We could see peo- ple on the shore, watching the result. We doubted not with utmost interest- — the shells were plougliing up the water and tearing up the sand on the shore, bursting over and around us, and yet not one struck us. It was almost a miracle. Two or three of their shells struck the sand just at the edge of the water and directly opposite to us and the wonder was how the balls could get there w^ithout passing through us. Colonel C. certainly made a hazardous experiment. Had the mist near the coast not veiled us somewhat from the view of the enemy as we a^^proached, and had he seen us in time to make chase ten minutes sooner, he would have headed us off and driven us ashore, or had one of his shot penetrated our boilers, we would have been blown to fragments. Had we been compelled to talce to our boats, we would have still been in great danger, for we Avonld have been under fire perhaps an hour, when the smooth sea made it as easy to fire accurately from the deck as from the walls of a fort. As it was, by the favor of a good Providence, we escaped unharmed and very soon ran by Fort Fisher, when the guns of that fort opened on the blockaders and a pretty little fight took place bctAveen them, the vessels quickly withdrawing, however, one of them liaving been struck. As we passed the fort our crew cheered heartily, we ran up our Confederate flag. In a moment more we struck the rip and stuck fast. Moses D. Hoge. WiLMINCTON, N. '.. 12 Octobr 1 ()3. THE NEW YORK PUBUC LIBRARY. ASTOR, LENOX ANO TILDEN FOU^:DATION3. THE SHENANDOAH, By an officer THEREOF. The agents of the Xavy Department who are engaged in the compilation of the official records of the Union and Con- federate Navies in the late Avar, have recently brought to light, from Southern sources, a mass of hitherto unpublished information of curious interest and value, relative to the oper- ations of the Confederate privateer Shenandoah. In the de- structiveness to Union property the work of the Shenandoah was second only to that of the Alabama, and the former en- joyed the peculiar distinction of having far outstripped the records of all other cruisers in the length of her voyage and the fact that she never met with the slightest opposition from Union arms in her path of destruction, and continued her depredations many months after the conclusion of the war. It is worthy of remark that the Xavy Department at Wash- ington was in possession of information relative to her outfit and plans early in the summer of 1864, but active search was not instituted until January, 1865, and though the United States ships Santee, Wachusett, Iroquois, ^yyoming and the European and Pacific squadrons at large were successively ordered in pursuit of her, none -of them ever succeeded in coming up with her, much less in engaging her in combat. In August, 1865, her commander gained conclusive informa- tion that the war had gone against the South, and he leis- urely and uninterruptedly made his way to England, where he gave himself and his ship into the hands of the British Government. The Shenandoali was a full-rigged ship of 1,000 tons and 250 horse-power, with a battery of four 8-inch guns — two 32-pounders and two 12-pounders. She was originally the British ship Sea King, built in 1863 for the East Indian trade. On her return voyage she was purchased by Confeder- ate agents in Europe and fitted out as a cruiser in the Confed- 346 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. erate service, primarily to disperse and destroy the New Eng- land whaling fleet in the northern seas. She had been de- signed as a transport for troops, had spaeions decks and large air ports, and was well suited for conversion into a cruiser. A fast sailer under canvas, her steam power was more thao auxiliary, as she could exceed eleven knots without pressing. Provided with fifteen months' stores, she sailed from London 8 October, 1804, in command of her English master, Captain Corbett, for ]\[adeira. Ten days later she was delivered over to her new commander, Lieutenant James I. Waddell, who had taken passage from Liverpool with the officers and men detailed for his command. Among the latter were some picked men from the famous Alabama, which had been sunk by the Kearsage a few months before. The Shenandoah was commissioned 19 October and that day cleared for Ma- deira. The journal of Commander Waddell is now in the posses- sion of the Navy Department, and is a most interesting rec- ord of the career of the Shenandoah. On 30 October the cry of ''Sail ho !" rang out from the Shenandoah' s masthead. Immediately she bore down upon the distant vessel, an American bark, the Alma, of a seaport in ]\[aine, bound for Buenos Ayres with railroad iron. She was on her flrst voyage, thoroughly equipped, nicely coppered and beautifully clean^ — a tempting prize. Defense on her part was out of the question, and the Confederates boarded and scuttled her, after appropriating such of her furnishings as they could make use of and taking the crew prisoners, six of whom afterwards volunteered their service as active men on the Shenandoah. The Alma was valued at $95,000. On 15 November the Shenandoah crossed the equator. Her course thence lay south along the coast of Brazil. Nothing of interest occurred after crossing the line except the inter- change of courtesies with neutral vessels until 4 December, when the American whaleship Editards, out of New Bedford three months, Avas sighted and captured near the Island of Tristan. The Edwards had taken a whale and was "cutting out" when captured, her crew being so occupied with the fish that the Shenandoah had come within easy range of her unob- The Shenandoah. 347 served. The Edwards' outfit was of excellent quality, and the Confederates lay by two days supplying their steamer with necessaries. The whaleship was then burned, and Wad- dell landed for a day at Tristan and made arrangements with the native governor to receive the Edwards' crew, most of whom were Sandwich Islanders. Soon after the departure from Tristan it was found that a serious accident had happened to the propeller shaft of the Shenandoah, and it became necessary to seek some considera- ble port for the repairs. Capetown was nearest, but Com- mander Waddell preferred making Melbourne, if possible, the course thither lying nearer the more frequented tracks of the United States vessels. The voyage was marked by the capture of several merchantmen. The character of the Shenandoah was known at Melbourne and she was cheered and surrounded by the steamers in the haven. The next day the work of repairing the ship was be- gun and during the delay several of the crew embraced the opportunity to desert, all of them being men who had joined the Shenandoah from captured ships. The attempt of Wad- dell to pursue and bring back these men was obstructed by the United States consul, as well as by the Australian authorities. The Shenandoah, in a fortified British port, was in no posi- tion to resist these acts, and on 18 February, the repairs and coaling having been completed, the port was cleared. The delay of the steamer at Melbourne had operated against success for the Shenandoah in the South Pacific. The whaling fleets of that ocean had received warning of the pres- ence of the privateer and had departed for sheltering ports or the Arctic ocean. Learning from a passing steamer that some United States whaling vessels Avere to be found in a harbor of the Caroline Islands, Waddell directed his course thither, reaching the Islands early in April. An English pilot, who had been living therefor some years, volunteered his services to the Confederates and brought the steamer to anchor in sight of four vessels flying the American flag. The flag of the Slicnayidoah was not yet displayed. After anchorage was secured four armed boats were dis- patched with orders to capture the vessels and bring their of- 348 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. ficers, ships' papers, log books, instruments for navigation and whaling charts to the She7iandoah. After the boats left the steamer the Confederate flag was hoisted and a gun fired. This signal announcing the character of the warship brought doAvn the American flags and the seizure was immediately made. Waddell remained some days in this harbor, where he made friends with the native ''king," a savage. The course of the Shenandoah was thence for many days toward the north, and beset with violent storms. Finally the snow-covered Kurile Islands were sighted, and 31 May the Sea of Okhotsk was entered, under the coast of Kamschatka. A few days later the w^haling bark Abigail, of JSTew Bedford, was overtaken, captured, and burned. The Shenandoah con- tinued as far north as the mouth of Chijinsk Bay, but being forced away by the ice she stole along the coast of Siberia on her still Jiuiit amid frequent storms and great danger from floating ice. On 14- June no ships having been sighted, Wad- dell changed his course toward the Aleutian Islands, entered Behring Sea on the next day and almost immediately fell in with a couple of I^ew Bedford whalers. One of them, the William Thompson, was the largest out of iSTew England, and valued at $60,000. These ships were burned. The following day five vessels were sighted near an ice floe. The Confederates hoisted tlie American flag, bore down upon them, and ordered the nearest, the Milo, of New Bedford, to produce her ship's papers. Her captain com- plied, but was enraged to find himself thus entrapped. He declared the war was over. Waddell demanded documentary evidence, which the captain could not produce. His vessel was seized and the Shenandoah started after the companion ships with the usual result. For several days following the She7iandoalt had things all her own way and the prizes were frequent and valuable. She struck fleet after fleet of whal- ing ships, only to consign them and their contents to the flames. On 20 -June, alone, five ships, valued collectively at $160,000, were destroyed and a day or two later she reached the climax of her career, burning within eleven hours eleven ships, worth in the aggregate nearly $500,000. The Slu'nandonh was now overcrowded with prisoners, The Shenandoah, 349 most of whom Avere afterwards transferred to passing ships. Having cruised aronnd daringly for a week or two longer, and sighting no more ships, slie turned her prow southward again. Her depredations w^ere at an end, for early in August she spoke the English bark Barracouta, from San Francisco to Liverpool, and from her received Xew York papers which gave conclusive evidence of the end of the war between the States and imparted to Commander Waddell the more per- sonally interesting information that the United States gov- ernment had sent six gun-boats on his track to the Arctic re- gions to ''catch the pirates and hang them on sight." Upon receipt of the news Commander Waddell put sixty men to work painting a 16-foot belt of white around the ves- sel, stowed the guns below the deck, trimmed her as a mer- chantmen and made Liverpool. On the trip he trusted the ship within range of the half dozen g-un-boats that were sent to capture the privateer. In answer to their salutes he dipped the English flag and steamed away. On 5 jSTovember, 1865, the Shenandoah entered St. George's channel, having sailed 22,000 miles without seeing land. On 6 November she steamed up the Mersey, and the Confederate flag having been hauled down Waddell sent a communication to the English Minister of Foreign Affairs, Earl Russell, placing the ship at the disposal of the British Government. Through Earl Russell the vessel was transferred to the juris- diction of the American Minister, Charles Francis Adams. The vessel was sold to the Prince of Zanzibar for use as a pleasure craft. On the trip home the famous privateer, which had withstood the buffetings of a cruise of 58,000 statute miles, was caught in a cyclone and vessel, prince and crew were lost. Such is the record of the Shenandoah. She was actually cruising for the Union property but eight months, and during that time she captured and destroyed vessels to the value of more than $1,200,000, and the Union had never been able to direct a blow against her. She had visited every ocean except the Antarctic, covering a distance of 58,000 statute miles. The last gun in defense of the South was fired in the Arctic ocean from her deck on 22 June, 1865, 350 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Captain James Iredell Waddell was a perfect specimen of physical manhood, standing 6 feet 1 inch, and weighing 210 pounds. Note. — In Vol. 3. Off. Bee. Union A Confed. Navies at p. 785 is the log of the Shenandoah from which it appears (p. 793) that in her eight months cruise she captured 38 vessels valued at |1, 173,223. From p. 793 to 836 is an admirable account of the cruise of the vessel by her commander, at the conclusion of which Captain Waddell says : "The Shenandoah was actually cruising but eight months after the enemy's property, during which time she made thirty-eiglit captures, an average of a fraction over four per month. She released six on bond and destroyed thirty-two. She visited every ocean except the Antartic Ocean. She was the only vessel which carried the flag around the world, and she carried it six months after the over-throw of the South. She was surrendered to the British nation 6 November, 1865. The last gun in defence of the South was fired from her deck 33 June, in the Arctic Ocean. She ran a distance of 58,000 statue miles and met with no serious injury during a cruise of thirteen months. Her anchors were on her bows for eight months She never lost a chase, and was second only to the celebrated Alabama. I claim for her officers and men a triumph over their enemies and over every obstacle, and for myself I claim having done my duty." If space permitted the whole of this article merits reproduction here. —Ed. PUBLIC LIBRARY ASTOR, LENOX AND I TILDEN FOUNDATIONS^ COLONEL \VILLL\:>I LAMB. (iKNEHAL W. H. C. WHITING WHITWORTH GUN. Captured nine miles nortli of Fort Fisher by Admiral Lee, and now a trophy in Washington, D. C, Navy Yard. FIGHT VITH BL0CKADER5. By colonel WILLIAM LAMB, Tnri;TY--ix i h Regiment N. C. T. Shortly after taJving command of Fort Fisher I recovered from the wreck of a blockade runner, the British Steamship Modern Greece, four 12 pounder WhitA\orth rifle guns, with a range of five miles. With these guns, we made the U. S. Blockading fleet remove their anchorage from two and a half miles to five miles from the fore. So many ves- sels were saved with these guns that they soon had a reputa- tion throughout the South, and three of them were transfer- red to other commands, two going to Virginia. In August, 1863, the British Steamship Hehe with a most valuable cargo, while trying to enter Xew Inlet, was driven ashore by the enemy and partially destroyed. A de- tachment of Cai)tain Munn's Company sent to her relief, rescued the Captain and Crew and captured on her. Ensign W. W. Crowninshield, Master's Mate John Paige, Third As- sistant Engineer Wm. Mason, five petty ofiicers, five seamen and one ordinary seaman, from the U. S. S. Niphon. Munn's detachment remained ^^dth a Whitworth rifie gun and a Faucett and Preston rifle piece, behind an improvised sand battery, to guard the wreck while its cargo was being re- moved. ■Sunday morning 23 August, the steam frigate Minnesoia, the flagship of the Xorth Atlantic Blockading Squadron, came up abreast of the wreck, wdthin 600 yards, while the United States Steamship James Adger was sent into within 300 yards, to see if the Hebe could be hauled off and the United States Steamship Nipli07i was ordered along the beach to cut off any retreat. The heroic detachment instead of re- treating as they should have done, with their guns, as soon as they saw this powerful steamship approaching, carrying- more guns and ammunition than were in Fort Fisher, de- fiantly stood their ground and fired on the boat sent by the 352 North Carolina Troops, 18G1-'65. James Adger with a tow line towards the Hehe, driving her back, wounding one of the crew. The Minnesota and James Adger then opened a frightful lire on the detach- ment and gains tearing up the beach, killing private Holland and wounding five others. The detachment barely escaped cajjture. They carried oil' their dead and Vv'ounded comrades but were obliged to leave their guns. The wreck was over seven miles from Fort Tisher, on the narrow and low beach between Masonboro Sound and the Ocean, and it was won- derful that any escaped alive. The enemy after landing carried off the two guns."" The j\Jin7icsota fired 173 shot and shell consuming 1,977 pounds of cannon powder.. The James Adger fired 1G3 shot and shell using U5S pounds of powder, or a total of 336 shell and shot and more than a ton of cannon powder, to drive a detachment of tar heels from two small field pieces. The Niplion fired 172 shot and shell at the detachment as it retreated, and claimed to have wyunded many, but did not strike one. General W. H. C. "Whiting in reporting this fight to the Secretary of War, Eichmond, 24 August, 1863, says: "I have met with a serious and heavy loss in that Whitworth, a gun that in the hands of the indefatigable Lamb, has saved dozens of vessels, and millions of money to the Confederate States. I beg that a couple of the Whitworth guns originally saved by him from the Modern Greece may be sent here at once. Their long range makes them more suitable for a seaboard position. Could I get them with horses we could save many a vessel that will now be lost to us." William Lamb. Norfolk, Va., 23 August, 1901. *8ee ])icture in this Vol. of the captured "Whitworth Eifle gun, now at Washington, D. C. Navy Yard. I PUBLIC '■^iXi^nY.i A6TOH, LENOX AND TiLDEK FOUNDAT[n^.i, BLOCKADE-RUNNERS. 1. John Newland Maffltt, Captain of Confederate Blockade-runners " Lilian," •"Florie," and 'Owl." 2. George C. McDougal. Chief Engineer, 60 voyages through the blockade. 3. C. C. Morse, Cape Fear Pilot, North Carolina Steamer " Ad-Vance." 4. Jameis Sprunt, Purser, Confederate Blockade-runners " Lilian " and " Susan Bierne." 5. Fred W. Gregory, Confederate States Signal Officer, Steamer " Susan Bieme." BLOCKADE KUNNINQ, By JAMES SPRUNT, Fokmek riK.sER Steamer Lilian. The following serial, undertaken at the request of Hon. Walter Clark, is a compilation of the narrative of some of those who partieipaled in a branch of the Confederate ser- vice, which, although not officially recognized, was neverthe- less effective in sustaining the war long after the resources of the South had been exhausted. THE VALUE OF BLOCKADE RUNNING TO THE CONFEDERACY. There are no records from which computation might be made of the amount and value of goods, arms, supplies and stores brought into tlie Confederate States during the four years of blockade, but the Hon. Zebulon B. Vance, who was Governor of North Carolina during several years of the war, has put on record the share, in part, of our State in blockade-running, from ^\hicli a general idea of the amount of values may be obtained. In an address before the Association of the Maryland Line, delivered in Baltimore 2.3 February, 1885, he said: "By the general industry and thrift of our ])cople and by the use of a number of blockade-running steamers, carrying out cotton and bringing in supplies from Euro]ie, I had col- lected and distributed from time to time, as near as can be gathered from the records of the Quartermaster's Depart- ment, the followung stores : Large quantities of machinery supplies; 60,000 pairs of hand cflrds; 10,000 grain scythes; 200 barrels of blue stone for wheat growers ; leather and shoes to 2.50,000 pairs; 50,000 blankets; grey wool cloth for at least 250,000 suits of uniforms; 12,000 overcoats ready- made; 2,000 best Enfield rijfles, with 100 rounds of fixed ammunition; 100,000 pounds of bacon; 500 sacks of coffee for hospital use ; $50,000 worth of medicines at gold prices, large quantities of lubricating oils, besides minor supplies of ■ 23 354 North Carolina Troops, 1 861-65. various kinds for the charitable institutions of the State. Not only ^\'as the supply of shoes, blankets and clothing more than sufficient for the supply of the North Carolina troops, but large quantities were turned over to the Confederate Gov- ernment for the troops of other States. In the winter suc- ceeding the l)attlo of Chickamauga, I sent to General Long- street's Corps 14,000 suits of clothing complete. At the sur- render of General Johnston, the State had on hand ready- made and in cloth 92,000 suits of uniforms, with great stores of blanJ^ets, leather, etc. To make good the warrant on which these ])iirchases had been made abroad, the State purchased and had on hand in trust for the holders 11,000 bales of cot- ton and 100,000 Ijarrels of rosin. The cotton was partly de- stroyed before the w^ar closed, and the remainder, amounting to several thousand bales, was captured, after peace was de- clared, by certain officers of the Federal army." President Davis, in a message to Congress, said that the number of vessels arriving at only two ports — Charleston and Wilmington, from 1 K(wember to 6 December, 1864, had been 43, and that only a very small portion of those outward- bound had been captured; that out of 11,796 bales of cotton shipped since 1 July, 1864, but 1,272 bales had been lost. And the special report of the Secretary of the Treasury in re- lation to tlie same ]uatter stated that there had been imported at the ports of Wihnington and Charleston since 26 October, 1864, 8,632,000 pounds of meat; 1,507,000 pounds of lead; 1,933,000 pounds of saltpetre; 546,000 pairs of shoes; 316,- 000 pairs of blankets; 520,000- pounds of coffee; 69,000 rifles ; 97 packages of revolvers ; 2,639 j^ackages of medicines ; 43 cannon ; with a very large quantity of other articles. In addition to these articles, many valuable stores and supplies had been brought in by way of the Northern lines, by way of Florida, through the port of Galveston, and through Mexico across the Eio Grande. From 1 March, 1864, to 1 January, 1865, the value of the shipments of cotton on Confederate Government account was shown by the Secretary's report to have been $5,296,000 in specie, of which $1,500,000 had been .shipped out betv/een 1 July and 1 December, 1864. A list of vessels which were runniuo- the blockade from Blockade Running. 355 Kassaii and otlier ports in the period intervening between November, 1861, and March 186-1 (Scharf's C. S. Navy, 488), showed tliat 84 ste.nners vrere engaged; of these 37 were captured by the enemy, 12 were totally lost, 11 were lost and the cargoes partially saved, and one foundered at sea. They made 363 trips to Nassau and 65 to other ports. Among the highest number of runs made were those of the R. E. Lee, which ran 21 times; the Faiiny, which ran 18 times; the Margaret and Jessie, which performed the same feat. Out of 425 runs from Nassau alone (including schooners) only 62, about one in seven, were unsuccessful. As freights were enormous, ranging from $300 to $1,000 per ton, some idea may be formed of the profits of a business in which a party could afford to lose a vessel after two successful trips. In ten months of 1863, from January to October, 90 vessels ran into Wilmington. During August one ran in every other day. On 11 July, four, and five on 19 October. With the termination of blockade running, the commercial importance of Mataraoras, Nassau, Bermuda, and other West India ports departed. On 11 ]\[arch, 1865, there were lying in Nassau 35 British l)lockade-runners, which were valued at $15,000,000 in greenbacks, and there were none to do them reverence. Their occupation Avas gone, their profits at an ,end. and some other service must be sought to give them em- ployment. A description of Nassau at the time of which I write will be both interesting and instructive. Says Capt. Wilkinson: ''It was a busy place during the M'ar, the chief depot of sup- plies for the Confederacy, and the port to which most of the cotton was shipped. Its proximity to the ports of Charleston and Wilmington gave it superior advantages, whilst it was easily accessible to the swift, light-draft blockade-runners, all of which carried Bahama bank pilots, who knew every chan- nel. The United States cruisers, having no bank pilots, and drawing more water, were compelled to keep the open sea. Occasionally one of the latter would heave to outside the har- bor and send in a boat to communicate Avith the American Oonsul, but their usual cruising ground was off Abaco light. Nassau is situated upon the island of New Providence, one of 356 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. the Bahamas, and it is the chief town and capital of the group. All of the islands are snrrounded by coral reefs and shoals, through which are channels, more or less intricate. The distance from Charleston to jS'assan is about 500 miles, and from Wihuington about 550. Practically they were equi-distant ; for blockade-runners bound for either port in order to evade the cruisers lying in wait off Abaco, were com- pelled to give that headland a wide berth by keeping well to the eastward. The wharves of Nassau were piled high with cotton during the war, and huge warehouses were stowed full with supplies for the Confederacy. At times the harbor was crowded with lead-colored, short-masted, rakish looking steamers; the streets, alive with the bustle and activity of the day, swarmed with drunken revelers at night. Almost every nationality on earth was represented there, the high wages ashore and afloat tempting adventurers of the baser sort, and the prospects of enormous profits offering equally strong in- ducements to capitalists of a speculative turn. Monthly wages of a sailor on board a blockade-runner were $100 in gold and $50 bounty at the end of a successful trip and this under favoral)le circumstances, would be accomplished in seven days. "The captains and pilots sometimes received as much as $5,000 and perquisites. On board the goveimment steamers the crew, which was shipped abi'oad and under the articles regulating the "merchant marine," received the same wages as were paid on board the other blockade-runners, but the cap- tains and subordinate officers of the government steamers who belonged to the Confederate States Navy, and the pilots who were detailed from the army for this service, received their pay in gold. There is a singular fact connected with the blockade-running vessels which speaks well for the Con- federate States naval officers. Though many commanded a large number of these vessels, yet down to 16 August, 1864, and perhaps later, only one blockade-running; vessel was lost." The Cape Fear pilots have long maintained a standard of excellence in their profession" most creditable to them as a class and as individuals. The story of their wonderful skill and bravery at the time of the Federal blockade has never been THE NEW YORK PUBUC LIBRARY A«TOR, LENOX AND TILDEN FOUNOATlONa BLOCKADE RUNNER "ADVANCE.- BLOCKADE RUNNER "BANSHEE.' BLOCKADE RUNNER •' COL. LAMB. Blockade Running. 357 written, for the survivors are modest men, and time has ob- literated from their memories many incidents of this extra- ordinary epoch. Amidst impenetrable darkness, without lightship or beacon, the narrow and closely watched inlet was felt for with a deep sea lead, as a blind man feels his way along a familiar path, and even when the enemy's fire was raking the wheel-house the faithful pilot, with steady hand and iron nerve, safely steered the little fugitive of the sea to her desired haven. It might be said of him as of the ISTan- tucket skipper, that he could get his bearings on the darkest night by a taste of the lead. These are the naiues of some of the noted blockade-runners and their pilots, well known in Smithville thirty odd years ago: Steamer Corntibia, afterwards called The Lady Davis, C. C. Morse; steamer Giraffe, afterwards known as the R. E. Lee, Archibald Guthrie; steamer Fannie, Henry Howard; steamer TJansa, J. I^. Burruss ; steamer City of Petersburg, Joseph Bensel; steamer Old Dominion, Richard Dosher; steamer Alice, Joseph Springs; steamer Margaret and Jes- sie, Chas. W. Craig ; steamer Hebe, George W. Burruss ; steamer Ad-Va)ice, C. C. Morse; steamer Pet, T. W. Craig; steamer Atalanta, Thos. M. Thompson; steamer Eugenia, T. W. Newton ; steamer Ella and Annie, J. M. Adkins ; steamer Banshee, Thomas Bui-russ; steamer Venus, R. Sellars; steamer Don, William St. George ; steamer Lynx, J. W. Craig; steamer Ijet Her Be, T. J. Burruss; steamer Little Hattie, R. S. Grissom ; steamer Lilian, Thomas Grissom ; steamer North Heath, Julius Dosher; steamer Let Ller Rip, E. T. Burruss ; steamer Beauregard, J. W. Potter ; steamer Ou'l, T. B. Garrason; steamer Agnes Fry, Thomas Dyer; steamer Kate, C. C Morse; steamer Sirene, John Hill; steamer Calypso, C. G. Smith ; steamer Ella, John Savage ; steamer Condor, Thomas Brinkman; steamer Coquette, E. T. Daniels ; steamer Ilary Celeste, J. W. Anderson. Many other steamers might be named, among them the Britannica, Emma, Dee. Antonica, Victory, Granite City, Stonewall Jackson, Flora, LLtvelock, Hero, Eagle, Douvo, Thistle, Sco- tia, Gertnide, Charleston, Colonel Lamb, Dolphin, and 358 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Dream, whose pilots' names may be among those already re- called. These are noted here from memory, for there is no record extant. All of these men were exposed to constant danger, and one of them, J. W. Anderson of the Mary Celeste, died a hero's death. Shortly after leaving the port of Nas- sau on his last voyage, he was stricken down by yellow fever. The cajDtain at once proposed to put the ship about and return to the Bahamas, but his brave pilot said: "No, you may proceed, I w^ill do my best to get you into port, even if it costs me my life." On the second day he was delirious, but as the little ship approached our dangerous coast he regained consciousness, and spoke of his home and the loved ones await- ing his coming at Smithville. When darkness drew on, his fever increased and his condition seemed hopeless, but with the heart of a lion he detei'mined to take his post on the bridge, and when soundings were reached he was carried bod- ily to the wheel house, where, supported by two of the sailors, he guided by feeble tones, the gallant ship through devious ways until the hostile fleet was passed. x\s the well known lights of his home appeared in the distance, his voice grew stronger, but tremulous, for he felt that he was nearing the end of life's voyage. "Starboard ; steady ; port ; ease her ; stop her ; let go anchor" — with the rattle of the chains he sank to the deck, overcome by the dread disease, and on the following morning breathed his last. Along tlie coast may still be seen the storm-beaten hulls of some of the unfortunate ships, which after weathering many a gale at sea, came to grief within sight of a friendly port. The Beauregard and the Venus lie stranded on Carolina Beach ; the Modern Greece near New Inlet ; the Antonica on Frying Pan Shoals ; the Ella on Bald Head ; the Spunkey and the Georgiana McCall on Caswell Beach ; the Hebe and the Dec between Masonboro and Wrightsville. Two others lie near Lockwood's Folly bar, and others whose names are forgotten, lie half buried in the sands Avhere they may remain for centuries. THE BLOCKADE-RUNNER AD-VANCE. I have already quoted a part of Senator Z. B. Vance's address delivered in Baltimore in 1885, with reference to the Blockade Running. 359 operations of the State of Xorth Carolina in blockade-run- ning under kis administration 'during the late war, and I now present the following communication prepared for the compiler by the late Colonel James G. Burr, of Wilmington, which will be read with interest by many of our older citizens who well remember the episode so felicitously described. ''In the month of August, 1862, Zebulon B. Vance, then Colonel of a Xorth Carolina Begiment serving the Army of Northern Virginia, and quite a young man, was elected Gov- ernor of the State by a large majority. He did not seek the office, in fact, objected to the use of his name for the reason that he preferred the ]:)Osition which he then held in the army, and for the further reason that he thought he was too young to be Governor. The people, however, thought differently, and he was borne into office by a popular upheaval. Witk what energy and vigor he discharged his duties, how true he was in every Avay to his State and people are matters of his- tory and need not be referred to here. He was inaugurated the ensuing September and early in his administration he conceived the idea of purchasing for the State a steamer to run the blockade at Wilmington, bringing in supplies for our soldiers in the field and our suffering people at home. "Colonel Thos. M. Crossan, formerly of the United States ivTavy, was accordingly sent to England with Mr. Hughes, of New Bern, where, in conjunction with Mr. John White, the agent of tlie State in England at the time, they purchased the fine side-wheel steamer. Lord Clyde, then running between Glasgow and Dublin, which name before her advent into Southern waters was changed to that of Advance or Ad-Vance, the latter in compliment to the distinguished Avar governor through whose instructions and active influence the ]3urchase had been made. "In the Spring of 1863 the Advance made her first success- ful trip through the blockaders and arrived safely in the har- bor of Wilmington, bringing a large amount of much needed supplies. The Governor was informed of her arrival and came down immediately, and the next day, Sunday, went down on one of the river steamers with a number of his friends to the ship, which was lying at the quarantine station 360 North Carolina Troops. 1861-65. about fifteen or sixteen miles below the city. After spending several hours on board examining the ship and partaking of the hospitalities of its officers, it was determined to take her up to the city withou.t waiting for a permit from the health officers, as it was assumed the Governor's presence on board would be a justification for the violation of quarantine reg- ulations. Accordingly, steam was raised, and she came up to the city and was made fast to the wharf in front of the Custom House. Then occurred a scene which is well re- membered to tliis day by all who witnessed it. "Scarcely had the ship ])een secured to the wharf when a military gentleman in full uniform made his appearance, and though he was told that the vessel belonged to the State, and that the Governor was on board, he seized the occasion to make a display of his authority and to magnify his own im- portance. With the manner of a Sir Oracle, and in a loud and commanding tone of voice, he peremptorily declared that no one should leave the ship, and ordered her immediate re- turn to quarantine station down the river. Governor Vance happened to be standing near the gangway, heard distinctly the rude speech of the military satrap and noticed his offen- sive manner ; and his crest rose on the instant. With flash- ing eyes he turned upon him, and in a voice of cencentrated passion exclaimed : "Do you dare to say, sir, that the Gov- ernor of the State shall not leave the deck of his own ship ?" The reply of the officer was of such a nature as to add fuel to the flames, and an exciting scene would doubtless have oc- curred (for the Governor was young then and his blood was hot) had not his friends interposed and persuaded him to re- tire to the cabin where, after a while, his equanimity was re- stored. In the meantime, the Chairman of the Board of Commissioners of Navigation, the late P. W. Fanning, who had been sent for, arrived upon the scene and promptly set- tled the matter by giving his permit for the ship to remain where she was, and the immediate landing of all who desired to do so. The Governor was the flrst to step upon the gang- way, and as he ]iassed down, he stopped for a moment, res- pectfully saluted Mr. Fanning, and in a ringing voice ex- claimed : "iVo man is more prompt to obey the civil au- Blockade Running. 361 thority than myself, but I will not be ridden over by epau- lettes or bayonets." The large crowd which had assembled gave him three cheers as he disappeared from view and added three more for the gallant ship Ad-Vance, from whose masts and yards innumerable flags were flying in the breeze. ''The Ad-Vance was a first-class ship in every respect; she had engines of great power which were very highly finished and her speed was good. With a pressure of twenty pounds to the square inch she easily averaged seventeen knots to the hour and when it was increased to thirty pounds, she reeled off twenty loiots without difficulty. Her officers were : Col- onel Crossan, Commander ; Captain Wylie, a Scotchman, who came oyer wath her, Sailing Master ; Captain Geo. Morri- son, Chief Engineer ; Mr. John B. Smith, Signal Officer. The only objection to her was her size and heavy draught of water, the latter rendering it difficult for her to cross the shoals, v/hich at that time were a great bar to the navigation of the river, and in consequence of which she could never go out or return with a full cargo either of cotton or supplies. She ran the blockade successfully seven or eight trips, bring- ing in all kinds of supplies — thanks to the energy and wise foresight of our patriotic War Governor — that were so much needed by our troops and the people. The regularity of her trips was remarkable and could be calculated upon almost to the very day : indeed, it was common to hear upon the streets the almost stereoly]ted remark, 'To-morrow the Ad-Vance will be in.' And vhen the morrow came she could generally be seen gliding up to her dock with the rich freight of goods and wares which were so greatly needed by our people. In the meantime, however, she had several narrow escapes from cap- ture. Coming from Nassau on one occasion the weather being very stormy and a heavy fog prevailing, she ran ashore opposite Fort Caswell and remained there two days. The sea was so rough that the blockaders could not approach near enough to do her any damage, and after discharging part of her cargo she was relieved from her perilous position and got safely into port. But the most exciting trip was one made in the month of July, 1864, from Bermuda. "She had on board as passengers a number of prominent 362 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. gentlemen, among them Marshall Kane, of Baltimore; Rev. Dr. Moses D. Iloge, of Richmond, Va., and others who had come down from St. Johns, New Brnnswick, and joined the ship at Bermuda, and who were extremely anxious to reach the Confederate States. By some error in calculation, in- stead of making Cape Fear light at 3 a. ni., as was intended, they made the light on Cape Lookout, a long distance out of their course. What "was best to be done was the question to be solved, and to be solved at once, for daylight comes soon in July. The ship had scarcely enough coal in her bunkers to take her back to the port she had left and almost certain cap- ture stared them in the face should they attempt to run in. However, it was determined to make the attempt, and the ship was headed for New Inlet. Hugging the shore as closely as possible, \yitli all steam on, she dashed down the coast with the speed of a thoroughbred on a hotly contested race course. Fortunately at that time many persons were engaged in mak- ing salt on the coast, and the smoke rising from the works created a cloud or mist which concealed the ship from the blockaders, although it was broad day. But as she neared the inlet she was oompelled to change her course further out to sea on account of a shoal or spit that makes out into the ocean at that ]3oint, and was inunediately discovered by the blockading fleet who opened fire upon her and gave chase like a pack of hounds in eager pursuit of a inuch coveted quarry. It was a most trying situation, for the ship was compelled to keep her course, although it carried her nearer and nearer to the enemy — until she could round the shoal and run in to- wards the land when she would be in comjoarative safety. Shot aud shell were flying around her in every direction, but she held steadily on, thougli rushing as it seemed to certain destruction, when suddenly a roar was heard from the fort ; the heavy guns upon the mound had opened upon the pursu- ers with such effect as to check their speed and force them to retire, and the gallant ship which had been so hardly pressed, soon rounded the shoal and was safe beneath the shel- tering guns of the fort. ''But the pitcher that goes often to the fountain is broken at last, and ^he time came when the career of the Ad-Vance as a Blockade Running. 363 blockade-rnnner was to cease forever. She was captured on her outward trip a few miles from our coast, owing to an in- ferior quality of coal she was compelled to use which was very lutuminous and which emitted a black smoke that betrayed her to the watchful eyes of the fleet; being surrounded by them, she was obliged to surrender w'ith her cargo of cotton aud her ofliceis and crew as prisoners. She was a noble ship, greatly endeared to the people of our State, and her capture was felt as a personal calamity. "With reference to her capture — her name having been in- correctly referred to as the A. D. Vance, and being still mis- quoted in the United States Xavy Records, whence I obtained the accompanying illustration — the newspaper Carolinian, published in Fayetteville 17 September, 1864, said: "The loss of the .1. D. Vance is a severe loss to our State. She has done noble service for our IS^orth Carolina soldiers, and has paid for herself twenty times." "In 1867 she made her reapperance in the waters of the Cape Fear as the United States man-of-war Frolic, sent to this ])ort to ju'event tlie Cuban warship Cuba from leaving WilmiuG'ton, whicL duty was successfully performed. It happened on that occasion that Captain George Morrison, her former engineer, met some of her officers and was asked by tliem her rate of speed while he had charge of her engines. Tie replied, "Seventeen knots easily." "Impossible," they said, "for we have not been able to get more than eight or nine out of her." "Something wrong then," said the captain, "aud unless you have made some alterations in her machin- ery, I will guarantee to drive her to Smithville (Southport) at a rate of seventeen knots an hour." He was cordially in- vited on board to examine, did so, found that they had placed a damper whei-e it ought not to have been and which pre- vented the veneration of steam, removed it and then ran down to Smithville at the rate of nineteen knots an hour, to the great surprise of all on board." THE AUTHOR^S ADVENTURES. In the summer of 1864, the Confederate steamer Lilian, which had repeatedly reached the Confederacy under com- 364 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. mand of the gallant Captain John IST. Maffitt, arrived at St. George's, Bermuda, after a successful run from Wilmington, with a cargo of cotton, which Avas immediatel;y transferred to tlie clipper ship Storm King, for Liverpool. I was then a lad of about 17 years of age, and had been left behind sick by my ship, the steamer North Heath, which was subse- quently loaded with stone and sunk in the channel of the Cape Fear river by the Confederate authorities, as an obstruc- tion to the Federal fleet then threatening an invasion. For- tunately for me, the purser of the Lilian, an Englishman, having decided that he had enough of the perils of blockade- running, tendered his resignation, and I, having been pre- viously recommended by Capt. Maffitt, was at once appointed in his place. Much to the regret of our officers and men, Captain Maffitt was ordered home to take command of the ram A Ihemarle, and a skipper of greatly inferior ability suc- ceeded him on the Lilian. Our ship was one of the finest of the large fleet of vessels then engaged in blockade runnings and had been specially designed and built for good service, Avith a speed of foiirteen knots an hour, Avhich in those days Avas considered A^ery fast. Under the direction of Major Xorman Walker, the Confederate agent and Quartermaster at St. George's, Ave soon completed our cargo of arms and am- munition, blankets, bacon, flour, etc., and Avith a full crcAV of forty-eight men, proceeded tOAvards Wilmington, about 720 miles distant. Shortly after getting under Avay, I began paying the crew the usual bounty money from several kegs of silver dollars Avhich had been rolled on board at the last moment, during Avliich I noticed from the sullen manner of nearly our Avhole complement of firemen that some trouble Avas brcAving. Just as onr pilot Avas leaving us, the firemen on duty struck AA'ork, and Avithout any reasonable excuse, demanded to ])e put ashore. We soon ascertained that it Avas simply a plot to "jump the bounty money," and the ship Avas put about and steered a straight course for the harbor, lying Avithin Avhich Avas the clipper ship already referred to. Running close aboard, our captain hailed him. Storm King ahoy ! Will you bring your officers and help us ont Avith some mutineers ?" \pUBUC UBB^MJ Blockade Running. 365 Aye, aye, sir, we will," came back the prompt response. In a few moments they were with us, and joined our captain, chief and second officer in an immediate attack upon the mal- contents, who had retreated to the forecastle. Each man who refused to work was then unceremoniously knocked down, dragged out, and put in irons, and in an almost in- credibly short time we were steaming away to sea again. A few hours meditation in the calaboose wdthout food or water, and the dread of further punishment when we reached the Confederacy, brought the unruly firemen to their senses and to their work. As night drew on we were out of sight of land, and with horizon clear of cruisers, began the usual precautions against chase or capture. The cabin lights were most carefully screened by heavy curtains across the port holes, and even the binnacle lamp was tightly covered, leaving only a small peep- hole the size of a silver dollar, for the guidance of the quar- termaster at the wheel. We saw and passed in darkness, sev- eral vessels, being invisible to them, and at dawn carefully avoided all those which appeared to be under steam ; one of the greatest dangers being the proximity of a hostile vessel at daybreak, or upon the clearing of a fog. On the morning of the second day we sighted several United States cruisers, but successfully evaded them. At noon of the third day we found oui'selves in a heavy sea, about fifty miles to the north- eastward of Cape Lookout, and as we approached nearer the land, we sighted a large man-of-war to windward, which speedily bore down upon us and soon got us within range of his heavy guns. Owing to the swell which kept our paddles rolling out of water, we could not run away, and for several hours both vessels steamed a parallel course, so nearly to- gether that I could see the men at the guns, their broadside batteries raking us fore and aft every minute. N'othing but the heavy seaway upon which we bobbed up and down like a cork, thereby defeating their aim, saved us from destruc- tion. We Avere truly in a bad position which was made worse l\v the collapse of one of our boilers, reducing our speed from twelve to eight knots, and by the abject fear of onr panic- stricken engineers and stokers, who came up in a body and 366 North Carolina Troops, 1S61-'65. begged the captain to surrender at once. But he had no no- tion of snch a thing, and having fortified himself A\'ith a bot- tle of brandy and a l:)ig navy revolver, was quite prepared to hold his own against all odds, and roundly swore he would shoot the first man ^vho shirked his duty, a threat w^hich they evidently took in earnest, as they immediately went below to make the best of it. I had never been under fire before, and I confess the situation was painfully distressing to me. Every time the big, conical shells like nail kegs came tumbling over the rail, with their diabolical wailing shriek, my knees be- came unmanageable and smote together in a most demoraliz- ing way. I thought every moment would be the last, but after a while this desperate feeling was overcome, and I was comi:)aratively indifferent to the firing which, strange to say, did us very little damage. Our pursuer gradually forced us nearer the breakers, along Avhich we dashed with fore and aft sails set, thereby steadying our ship and making better speed. The cruiser being of much deeper draft, kept well off shore and continued a constant and heavy fire which did no harm, the shells passing well over us and landing in the surf. Our captain, expecting to strike bottom, ordered life- boats lowered to the rail, and the crew to take their stations the moment the ship was stranded. I greatly admired the pluck of several officers of the Con- federate cruiser Georgia, who were returning home as our passengers, and who amused themselves by measuring with their sextants the distance between the contending ships, and by noting with their watches the time between the flash of the guns and the passing of the projectiles. They were so sure of capture, however, that they unfortunately threw overboard some vain able rifles and other personal property which might have been saved. I threw the Confederate mail bag into the furnace, by order of the captain as he seemed to think it was quite useless to risk the lives of our crew any longer. As the sun went down, however, we were inspired with some hope of escape, which increased as night drew" on and it became apparent that the cruiser was hauling off a little, evidently fearing shoal water in the darkness. Of course we were careful to make no lights, and later on we were over- Blockade Running. 367 joyed to see that lie was tiring wildly and forging farther ahead. When it became too dark for him to see us, he burned Drummond lights and sent up rockets, hoping to attract other cruisers to his assistance, but none responded ; and then our captain determined upon a bold movement. Lowering our sails, we came to a full stop and anxiously awaited the result. To our great joy, the enemy continued on his course, firing from his broadside guns, under the delusion that we were still in the same position. As soon as he got well ahead of us, we changed our course and ran under his quarter unob- served, leaving him firing at the l)reakers, the roar of which had overcome the sound of our ])addles as we crossed his wake and sped onwards towards Xew Inlet. And now a new and perhaps greater danger confronted us. By a careful computation it was ascertained that in our crippled condition we could not possibly reach the bur before daylight, but as our reduced speed would not save us in a chase, our captain resolved to run the gauntlet of the block- aders rather than risk capture at sea during the next day. We passed a very anxious night, watching with the utmost solicitude our unsatisfactory progress as we labored through a heavy sea towards our dangerous destination. At the first streak of dawn we w^ere oft" Masonboro Sound, and soon after distinguished through the haze no fewer than eight block- aders apparently waiting to gobble us up. To our astonish- ment, however, they took no notice of our approach, as our ship was painted the exact color of the sand dunes along the beach, which we hugged as closely as Ave dared, and steered straight for the fleet, through which we passed without a gun being fired ; and when we anchored off Fort Fisher it was broad daylight. We learned afterwards that the blockaders had not observed us until we were quite near the bar, and then they believed, until it was too late, that we had come to join the fleet ; a steamer of our description being then due. We received a hearty welcome from the boarding officer at Fort -Fisher, and steamed up towards Wilmington shortly after- wards. While passing Fort Anderson, a gun was fired, but having received no intimation at Fort Fisher that we would be detained on the river, we continued our course, which was 368 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. immediately arrested by another gun sending a ronnd shot throngh out rigging. We were boarded by Lieutenant Mc- Nair (still known as crazy Mac) who laughingly remarked that his next shot would have sunk us, as his orders were to stop all vessels passing the fort, for inspection. After this function was completed, Ave continued our course to Wilming- ton, where ^xe were boarded by the quarantine physician, the late Dr. William George Thomas, who was greatly interested and amused by my description of our exciting adventure. Our ship was consigned to Messrs. DeKosset & Brown, the collector of the port at that time being Major Henry Savage. We discharged cargo at a wharf near the foot of Chestnut street and dropjoed down to the Clarendon Iron Works for re- pairs, which caused a detention of three weeks. During this time several changes were made in our crew. The engineers were discharged and sent through the blockade as passengers on another steamer, and several stokers who had behaved badly during the chase were summarily dealt with. When ready for our outward freight, we were laden with 1,250 bales of cotton at the Confederate cotton press, which stood on the west side of the river below the ferry, and which was subsequently destroyed by fire, together with a large quantity of cotton. The unbroken brick chim- ney still stands like the leaning tower of Pisa, a conspicuous relic of an extraordinary era in the foreign trade of Wil- mington. It was almost a universal custom of the officers of block- ade-nmners to smuggle a few bales of cotton for their per- sonal benefit along with the cargo — but I had received strict orders from our new captain not to take any on my account, nor to permit any one else on board a single bale. I was simple enough to follow his instructions, notwithstanding the fact that he, Avith characteristic duplicity, had a dozen bales put on board secretly at night for himself. I was not sorry a few days after to see this sharp adventure go overboard with the rest of the deck load to lighten the ship during an exciting chase by a Federal cruiser. The bales were bound with rope, and axes were used to cut them asunder when pitched over the rail, in order that they would fall to pieces Blockade Running. 3(j9 in the sea before being picked up by the pursuers at their leisure. Sometimes the wake of a blockade-runner could be traced for miles by floating bales of cotton which were thrown over in an emergency. I remember, while a prisoner on board the United States steamer Keystone State, seeing the crew pick up as many as a hundred bales in the Gulf Stream, which were held together by the bagging only. On 22 August, 1864, the Lilian hauled out from the cotton press on the west side of the Cape Fear, and anchoi*ed in the stream, ready for her sixth voyage through the blockade. The Federal squadron, flushed with numerous captures of prizes, had become more aggressive and the cordon of watch- ful blockaders more closely draAvn than ever before. In addition to the ships of war, numerous armed launches pati-olled the bar and river under cover of the darkness. These scouting barges proved to be to the alert blockaders what the sacred cackling geese were to the sleeping Komans, for they lay in the track of incoming and outgoing steamers, and at the constant risk of being run down, ga\'e cpiick and timely wari:!ing to the enemy of any approaching vessel, by burning Druuimond lights and by firing their rockets and howitzers after the ]:>haiitom steamers, as they loomed up and quickly disappeared in the gloom. It was said that occa- sional captures were made of tiuiid blockade-runners by these small fry, but only such as Avere open to the charge of cow- ardice took any notice of their hail beyond an immediate at- tempt to run them down. Extraordinary preparations had been made for a success- ful voyage. In addition to the usual cargo of about 1,200 bales of cotton, we had five Cape Fear pilots on board, four of whom were passengers, going out for as many new steamers awaiting them in Bermuda. Two of the five survive, the other three have run their last course and ''crossed the bar." Young Tom Grissom, our ship's pilot, fearless and daring to tlie last, was lost during a memorable gale some years ago with four others in the ill-fated Mary K. Sprunt. Joseph Thompson and William Craig died some years ago ; James W. Craig, a highly respected citizen, is still to the fore, and 24 370 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'G5. James Bell is now a well known pilot at Fernandina, Florida. After the usual precautions against spies and stowaways by the crnel test of fumigation, and farewell tokens to the thirsty officers fi'om the forts, we were at last free to face the music with which we were usually greeted in our attempts to get outside. Wliile feeliug our way cautiously in the darkness, and before we reached the first line of blockaders, a large Ijarge appeared close aboard from which came the warning cry, "Heave to, or I'll sink you." Instantly our helm went hard a-port in the pilot's eagerness to run him down. The barge was too wary, however, as striking our sponsons with an unsuccessful cast of his grappling irons, he fired his signal rocket almost sinuiltaneously with his bow gun and quickly dropped astern. The silence was now broken by the order "Full speed ahead !" followed by a blinding glare of pyrotechnics from every ship in the squadron, and by a ])andemonium of artillery both deafening and confusing. I can never forget the antics, on this occasion, of our second steward, old ]\Iickey Mahoney, who, calling upon all the saints in the calendar for deliverance, tumbled headlong down the companionwa}', with such groans and shrieks of ter- ror, that we thought the poor fellow had gone mad. The cannonading was a repetition of the Kilkenny cat fight, as the shells crashing over us were apparently doing more damage to the fleet than to us. Boom ! Boom ! went their heavy ordnance, Avith such rapidity and recklessness that we drove at our best speed without serious damage, and in half an hour had left them all behind except one of their fastest ships which pursued us until nearly daylight, when he returned to the station. After the storm, the calm, ^ext morning dawned upon a scene so quiet, so peaceful, that the events of the night seemed but an ugly dream which passed aAvay with the dark- ness. The sea, like glass, with not a ripple upon its surface, dense white clouds above the horizon reflecting the glory of the sun resplendent in the east; the watch on deck tranquil and motionless, with naught to disturb the profound stillness save the monotonous rundile of our feathered paddles as the Blockade Running. 371 Btaunch little ship sped on her course toward the distant Ber- mndas. To some of us, tlie danger of yellow fever, which was then raging in St. George's, was more dreadful than that of the blockade. Among the hundreds of its victims some weeks later were many gallant Southerners, including our genial friend and fellow townsman, Captain Robert Williams, purser of the Index. At eight bells, which was announced from the bridge, but never struck unless in port, the lookout in the crow's nest aloft aroused the sleepy company with his shrill cry of ''Sail ho!" ''Where away?" responded the skipper. "Two points on the starboard bow, sir." At first only a thin haze was visible ; then the spars and hull of an unmistakable cruiser gradually came into view, showing a de- cided inclination for closer acquaintance. Again the warnino- cry from aloft : "On deck there. An- other steamer on the starboard beam. He rises fast, sir, and is heading for us I" Almost immediately a third steamer appeared dead ahead. Our course was then changed to bring two steamers abeam and one astern, and a few minutes later two more steamers joined in the chase from the port bow. We had run into the Gulf Stream squadron, the second cor- don of gunboats in the track of the blockade runners one day out, by w^hich many were picked up at daybreak who, having escaped the previous night, found themselves under the gims of a cruiser. in the haze of the morning. Hopeful and fairly confident of our ability to outstrip the first three pursuers, we had run up a new Confederate flag in the face of our en- emies, which was soon made the target of their artillerists, and carried away in the beginning of the fray. The shriek- ing shells from three directions which passed far ahead of us in line shots, proved very soon our inability to get away; nevertheless, our Captain determined to attempt an escape by running between the two nearest ships. Keystone State and Gettysburg, thus getting them within the danger line of their own fire, as well as that of our other pursuers. The Lilian s engines were already going at such speed that it was impossible to stand the heat of the fire room more than a few minutes at a time, while she tore through the water 372 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'(35. like a thoroughbred on a race course. As we rapidly ap- proached the two ships in close action, it seemed as if we were running into the jaws of destruction. Their firing was frightfully accurate; the spray from the falling and plung- ing shells flying over the rail and into our faces. Old Bos- ton dragging behind, managed to make himself both heard and felt as he blazed away with his heav}^ bow chaser. After about three hours of this hot work, a conical shell from the Gettysburg pierced us in the starboard bow just below the water line, which sent a sharp quiver through the entire ship and caused such a rush of water into the forehold that our speed was immediately slackened, and the Lilian for the first time refused the helm. InefPectual efforts were made to stop up the hole with blankets, and within another half hour of keen suspense, came the reluctant last order, "Hard a-port! Ease her! Stop her!" and the little vessel lay motionless like a dying stag surrounded by his foes. A barge from the Gettysburg was quickly alongside, joined later by one from the Keystone State, and a Federal ofiicer, making his way to the bridge and to our sullen and disgusted commander, formally declared the Lilian a prize to the United States, and the ship's company prisoners of war. J\l any of our peo- ple then hastily prepared such valuables and clothing as could be readily taken with them, but, lost in contemplation of the novel and startling scene, I continued to gaze with wonder until we were unceremoniously hustled .away to the Keystofie State, when I realized that I had left nearly every- thing behind. A few weeks of im]3risonment, sleeping upon a hard floor, developed such holes in the posterior of my nether garment, that I was obliged to strike a hard bargain with our chief officer, Bill Jones, and envelop my attenuated extremities in an old pair of his trousers intended for a person twice my size. After the war was over, this worthy, while capttin ol the schooner Luola Miircliison, made a formal demand of "twelve dollars for them jiants," which was promptly paid with some mental reservation. Some of our officers and men, including the Captain, were kept on the Gettyshnrg, but the majority were transported Blockade Running. 373 to the Keystone State, commanded by a gentleman of the old navy, Pierce Crosl)y, who subsequently became an Admiral, and who is, I believe, still livino- in Washington. ' I found that my company was immediately desired in the ward-room, where several impatient officers were waiting, with pencils in hand, to ascertain their ])roportion of prize money; and having no reason to conceal facts which would be inevitably revealed later, I gave them, as purser, all the information about our cargo necessary to make them, in turn, most cour- teous and considerate in their treatment of myself and ship- mates during our confinement on board. I was assigned quarters in the ward-room, where I messed with the lieu- tenants and paymaster ; a comfortable hammock and a ser- vant to attend to me, with every necessary convenience, made me feel more like a guest than a prisoner, the only restric- tion being between sunset and sunrise, during which I was required to be below. Shortly after our arrival on lx)ard the Keystone State, our company was mustered on deck and sent in squads of two for examination by the commander below. The five pilots al- ready referred to had agreed at the moment of surrender, to personate firemen, and each passed inspection, apparently without suspicion, until Tom Grissom, our regular pilot, was called doAvn with me. He was interrogated first, and in an- swer to the question as to his place of residence ashore, re- sponded promptly, to my amazement, ''Smithville, Xorth Carolina." I saw at once from the quick, searching look of our inquis- itor, ihat our pilot had betrayed himself, it being Avell known that Smithville was a pilot village, and special efforts having been made by the United States authorities to apprehend the Smithville pilots who were indispensable to the success of blockade rnnninu'. Indeed, nearly every man examined, was urged to inform on the ship's pilot, our captors never dream- ins we had no fewer than five on board. When, some weeks after, nearly all of our people were released, Mr. Grissom, as mi2:ht have been ex]>ected, was detained and confined in prison for several montbs. I did all I could to avert suspi- cion from him during our united confinement, but it proved 374 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. ineffectual. Ou our return to the deck we saw in the faces of our companions that something had gone wrong in our ab- sence. While Messrs. Bell and Craig were quietly congrat- ulating each other upon the apparent success of their ruse, they saw approaching them the pilot, w^ho had come aboard to take the Keystone State into Beaufort harbor, and who, to their consternation, proved to be George F. Bowen, a Cape Fear pilot who had been decoyed on board a Federal gun- boat in the early part of the war and induced to remain in the service until the close. They naturally feared exposure by Bowen's recognition, or by his information to the Fed- eral officer, but were reassured by his apparent indifference as he ]iassed them. A few minutes later Mr. Bowen repassed us and looking furtively at our party, said in a low voice, to our intense relief: "Don't recognize me; you are safe. I will not betray you." The Lilian in the meantime had been temporarily re- paired and sent for adjudication to Philadelphia, where she was subsequently fitted out as a gun-boat, and took part in the bombardment of Fort Fisher. For several days our life on board the Keystone State was pleasant enough, chasing blockade-runners, ]:)icking up cotton Avhich had been thrown overboard by a hard-pressed Confederate, and communicat- ing with other vessels of the Federal squadron, of which was the MonticeJlo, commanded by the celebrated Lieutenant Cushing. who was nearly sunk by Colonel Lamb's batteries while in our company, a large ragged hole in his hull between wind and water proving the accuracy of Fort Fisher's gun- ners. Our easement was soon ended, however, for one unlucky morning we were transported to a casemate inside of Fort Macon, ISTorth Carolina, then occupied by a battalion of North Carolinians, known by the Confederates as "Buffa- loes," who had joined the Federal army. Our treatment at the hands of these people Avas the reverse of that received on the Keystone State. There was not sufficient space in our quarters for us all to lie down at once, and consequently I slept nightly for several M'eeks with my head u]ion my neigh- bor on one side and my legs over another. Our food was Blockade Running. 375 served twice daily and was of the coarsest description, but we were permitted to buy butter, crackers, sardines and the like at high prices from the sutler. We were allowed to march out upon the parapet for an hour daily, under guard, from which we gazed with longing eyes upon the opposite shore in Dixie's Land. From Fort Macon we were transferred to an old tub still sailing out of Boston, which shall be nameless. This vessel was com- manded by a volunteer captain of the United States navy ; a character unspeakably different from that of the gentlemen of the regular navy. I was at once confined between decks, de- nied any liberty, and forced to mess with our sailors and fire- men upon salt pork and mouldy hardtack, with the bare deck for a bed and rats for companions. How I loathed that ship and its beastly commander during the long, miserable days and nights, rolling and pitching on the Atlantic, without the least hint of our destination or fate ! It seemed an age be- fore we were ordered out of our hold and were transferred to Fortress Monroe, where we were again mustered and some of our number sent to Fort Delaware and others to Point Lookout. Upon our release from confinement as prisoners of war at Fortress Monroe, I joined a small party of the Lilian s of- ficers and, by the help of one of our number who had dis- creetly hidden several twenty dollar gold pieces under his shirt, ^ye proceeded to Boston — a dangerous place for South- erners at that time — where we found a steamer bound for St. John, Xew Brunswick, via Eastport, Maine, by which we hurriedly embarked, and in a few days landed again upon British soil. The tide at St. John's rises more than forty feet, owing to the extraordinary formation of the Bay of Fundy, and having occasion to return to the steamer a few hours after our arrival, I was astonished to find the vessel above the level of the wharf, upon which we had required a ladder to debark. From St. John we travelled by train to Halifax, Nova Scotia, where we reported to the Confederate agent, Alexan- der Keith, Jr. This person, the son of an eminent gentle- man, said to be a member of the Provincial Parliament, was 37() North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. at that time one of the most popular Southern sympathizers. He was a man of fine presence, good business qualifications, courteous and amiable to a degree. He was trusted by all, and he acted as banker for nearly every Southerner who came his way. Halifax was then the center of large Con- federate interests. Several Confederate war steamers were there, among them the Chickamauga and the Tallahassee. It was the rendezvous of blockade-runners who had escaped from confinement or who had been discharged after several months detention by the Federals. Keith was attentive to all of them. When the war ended he suddenly disap- peared with the cash entrusted to him. Several years after, there was a great explosion upon the deck of a German mail steamer which produced a sensation throughout the entire world. An infernal machine, in- tended to wreck the Moselle, had prematurely exploded on the quay and killed and maimed a large number of persons, among whom was the shipper, under an assumed name. This man, mortalh' wounded, was eagerly questioned by the police as to his diabolical plans and accomplices ; the only clue they obtained from his incoherent ravings was an intimation that he had heen in some way connected with the Confederacy, and strangely enough he said something about Captain Maf- fitt and my ship, the Lilian. The authorities took photo- grai'ihs of him, A\-liich were imperfect because of the reclining position of the dying man. Further investigation after his death revealed one of the most fiendish plots in commercial history ; large shipments of bogus goods had been made by the nnd lieavily insured by this stranger, who had designed ■ ' ; k machine intended, it was said, to explode three days ■ ior the sailing of the steamer, and sink her with all on "(1. For many months the secret service detectives were 'iiig on this case; at length one of them came to Wil- .•'ij"'"M)n and questioned me about the man whose picture was ' iMted. Xeither T nor any of the pilots at Smithville ;d identify him, although his face was strangely familiar M10. The detective went away, but returned in a few . 's and asked me if T had known a man named Keith. >s." T at once replied, "'and he was the author of this Blockade Running. 377 awful crime." Such proved to be the case. It was the old story of depraved associates and the downward road to ruin. Halifax was an important fish market. The codfish trade stowed the stock of dried fish in the ojjen wharves in stacks of several tons in weight for convenient shipment in bulk, prin- cipally to the West Indies. The city market for fresh fish was perhaps the finest on the continent. Running sea water through large glass tanks above the street level kept the live fish in the best condition, from which they were taken as de- sired with scoop nets. At that time communication with Bermuda was suspended because of the prevailing epidemic of yellow fever, which carried off a large proportion of the population of St. George's and PTamilton. Being therefore obliged to remain in Halifax for several weeks, I obtained comfortable quarters in a private boarding house, with a friend from Smithville, who was waiting to pilot another steamer to the Confederacy. He esteemed himself above the common herd of his profession, and although possessing the excellent traits of courtesy and kindliness, was pompous and illiterate in his manner of speech. He was not a pilot, he said, but a pilafc, which pretension, cou]iled with the gener- ous girth of his waist-band, suggested the nickname of "Paun- chious Pilate," which has stuck in my mind ever since. At length the brig Eliza Ba7\9e was advertised to sail for Ber- muda and I was directed to take passage in her for St. George's and join the new steel steamer Susan Biirnv, which Avas expected to arrive shortly for blockade-rnnning service. I accordingly sailed on the brig with several others who decided to risk the yellow fever in the islands, then reported as dimin- ishing. Our vessel was old and badly found, as we soon real- ized to our dismay. The food was coarse and limited, ascer- taining which just before sailing, one of our party sup])le- mented it with a bushel of hard, green pears of the variety that never ripens, the effect of which is still a painful mem- ory. We had scarcely left Xova Scotia when we ran into stormy weather, during which our captain lost his reckoning and af- ter floundering about in search of more com])etent navigators, the sun and stars having been obscured for several days and 378 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. nights, we sighted in the distance a French barque, which we immediately attempted to signaL Our halyards parted be- fore the flags reached the truck of the mainmast; we then tried the foremast with like result ; the signal halyards were rotten. After some delay a new line was found and fearing to order a man aloft in such a sea, the captain called for a volunteer to reeve the halyards. A big, ordinary seaman came forAvard and with the end of the line in his mouth, got safely up the shrouds, but when he l)egan to climb the main- top-gallant mast our hearts stood still, for with each lurch and roll of the ship his body swung out in mid air, supported only by the grip of his hands upon the stays. Viewed from the deck, we expected each moment to be his last, the frightful arc described by the rolling top-gallant mast appalling every one of us, accustomed as we were to the dangers of the sea. Tlie captain, by shouts and signs, ordered him back, but the poor felloAv could neither go up nor come down until a fortu- nate roll of the ship enabled him to clasp his legs around the stays. When he reached the deck a few minutes later he was weeping from the nervous shock. iSTone of the sailors would attempt the feat, and the captain was in despair until the mulatto cook volunteered to go. From his first steps on the f uttock shrouds we felt that he would succeed ; agile and alert he reached the main truck, through which he reeved the line and descended without accident. It was grand to see the Frenchman respond to our signals of distress; raised to the mountain tops of a raging sea until his copper glistened above the waves, he would then plunge dowuAvard into the hollow troughs beyond our view, to reappear again and again as we drew nearer. Presently two men ascended her main rig- ging, holding a blackboard, upon which in large chalk letters was shown her last reckoning. With thanks we parted, to meet some hours later a greater peril. It happened at night in a heavy sea. I was sitting on deck when a pufF of smoke came from the poop. I ran aft and fnnnd the binnacle lamp upset and the cabin on fire. Our only boat was an old rotten affair, fastened upon chocks on deck, unseaworthy and utterly useless. It was, therefore, an exciting' time until we succeeded bv the use of buckets Blockade Running. 37& over the side, iu putting out the fire. We landed at Ber- muda after a voyage of two weeks, and joined a few survi- vors of the plague, among them Signal Officer Gregory, of Xorth Carolina, who reported the death of Captain Kobert Williams, of Wilmington, formerly commander of the Wil- mington Rifle Guards. A few days afterwards the Susan Bcinie arrived under command of Captain Wylie, of the Ad-Vance, and Eugene Maffitt as first officer. They gave her a bad name, which she fully sustained upon subsequent acquaintance. Built of steel one-eighth of an inch thick, for space and speed, she was too frail for service at sea, and quite unfit for heavy weather. To look upon, she was a beautiful specimen of marine architecture, long and narrow, with a speed of four- teen knots — a type of the latest designs for blockade-running, regardless of the lives of those on board. We began at once to load the new steamer at the Confederate States' agency, and proceeded to sea, bound for Wilmington. Trouble ap- peared when we were only five hours out. The weather was threatening when we sailed, but the moon was increasing and dark nights were indispensable to successful blockade-run- ning. There was no time to spare and our captain decided to risk the chances of bad weather in the hope that our speed would run us through the worst of it in a few hours. On the second day we encountered a storm which soon strained our frail vessel, and caused a dangerous leak. Before midday the storm increased to a hurricane. The leaks multiplied, as the rivets which held the steel plates gave way, and twelve of our fourteen furnaces were soon submerged. All hands were put to work bailing and pumping, l>ut the water gained on us until we feared the ship would founder at any moment. When night drew on the scene w^as appalling ; sometimes the ship would wallow in the depths like a log, the added weight of water in her hold keeping her down until we feared she would never rise again. Some of our men, exhausted by the continued strain of unceasing work, fell at their posts and be- came unconscious. I will never forget the horrors of that night ; running through the fleet under fire would have been welcome relief. The vivid flashes of lightning illuminated 380 North Carolina Troops, 1861 -'65. the black and angfy sky in ■which there was no hope of the storm's abatement. The men were tied to life lines, hag- gard and despairful as they toiled wearily at the pumps. Steadily the leaks gained until the firemen stood in water up to their hips. Our lives depended upon getting the ship about so that we could head her for Bermuda. This move- ment would bring us broadside to the sea, and the captain waited several hours for a favorable lull in which to make the venture. At last he put the helm hard over and took the only alternative ; great masses of water surged over the side and for several moments we sank into the trough until it seemed we would never rise again. A merciful Providence spared us ; the ship groaned and shook as if she would go to pieces under the strain, bttt we got her head to the wind, and steered back towards St. George's. On the morning of the third day we sighted the islands. The water in the fire rooms was re- duced by the pum])s so that we could drive along at a fotir- teen knot pace. The captain, worn with anxiety and lack of sleep, and perhap's stupid from the efi^ect of stimttlants, forgot the dangerous reef which runs miles out from the islands, and stiddenly, without a moment's warning, our ship strttck the rocky bottom with terrible force, tearing a hole in the bow, through which the w^ater rushed like a mill stream. The concussion threw us flat on the deck, and our captain, losing his head completely, sang otit: "All hands take to the boats '■' Immediately the firemen and stokers and sailors rushed to the side, some of them so frantic with fear that I saw them chop with an axe the iron davits, the falls of which they had fouled in their eagerness to escape. In the midst of this exciting scene, I saw General Preston, who was a passeno-er with us, dragging a large trunk about the deck in a vain endeavor to get it in one of the boats. Our signal officer, Mr. Gregory, stood with me waiting for the panic to subside. We noticed that the engines were still driving at full speed ahead, and we supposed that the en- gineer on duty had fled. Such, however, was not the case. There was one mail who had kept his head, our chief en- gineer. Jack Chambers, of Georgia, who was fortunately on dtity when the ship struck. Our captain had not ordered the Blockade Running. 381 engines stopped and Chambers said he never acted without orders from the bridge. Consequently, his presence of mind saved the ship and onr lives ; the furious movement of the paddle wheels lifted the steamer over the reef into deep water and then we ran for the beach upon which, inside the harbor, we were stranded a short time afterwards. Several weeks were spent in patching up, by means of divers whose movements under the water so interested our captain that he decided to put on the diving dress and. descend to inspect the work. He had scarcely reached the bottom, about twenty feet deep, when he made frantic signals to be hauled up again, and he declared upon the removal of the helmet that he had seen the devil or a shark making straight for him, and that he thought his end had come. We, of his subordi- nates, inclined to the latter hypothesis, because we believed that the former was his w^arm, personal friend who need not have sought the captain in such an out-of-the-way place. We failed to get j^ermission from the British Government to use the naval dry-dock, and we found it necessary to proceed to ivTassau in a crippled condition, to complete repairs on the public dock there. For several days we did not secure a crew, owing to the unsea worthy condition of the ship, but at last we signed on a sufficient numl)er at high wages, and after an uneventful voyage reached ISI^assau, where we were im- mediately docked. While we were repairing at ISTassau, the Confederate steamer Ou-l, commanded by Captain Maffitt, appeared in the offing and later ran close past us in the harbor, a shot hole through her funnel, several more in her hull, standing rig- ging in rags, and other indications of a hot time, confirming our apprehensions that she had failed to reach the Confeder- acy. A few minutes later the gallant Maflitt reported that Fort Fisher had fallen and that Charleston harbor was also in possession of the Federals. The gateway to the South was at last closed and the occupation of blockade-runners was at an end. It was not believed that the war would terminate so soon after, and I accepted an invitation to join Major Green, with dispatches for the Confederate Government from representa- 382 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. tives abroad, wliicli lie proposed to take in our steam launch by way of Florida. This launch was forty feet long- and could steam about ten miles an hour. Our chief engineer, Mr. Lockhart, and his first assistant, Mr. Carroll, and one of John Morgan's men, an escaped prisoner, accompanied us. We parted with our friends, some of whom tried to dissuade us from what they termed a foolhardy undertaking, by which they said, we were certain to lose our lives. We hoped to reach the Florida coast in two days, instead of which we Avere more than a month on the way. The first night out from Nassau, one of the cylinder heads broke, and when morning dawned we got out our oars and laboriously toiled until evening to reach the island of Green Turtle Cay, inhabited entirely by negroes, none of whom could aid us in repairing the damage to our engine. Mr. Lockhart fell desperately sick with internal inflammation, and I took the ]iart of nurse for tAvo weeks. The situation was most de]iressing. Upon Lockhart's recovery, we de- cided to abandon the launch, and a small schooner used for sponging at the islands was purchased for the voyage to Flor- ida. Ca])tain Wark, a Bahama pilot, and two negro boys, were employed to sail her, and they were to be rewarded with the vessel if they landed us safely. Our food consisted of fish which we caught with hook and line over the side, fried bacon and hardtack. There was room for onh^ three of us to lie down, so we ar- ranged watches accordingly. Our morning ablutions were simple. We washed our faces in the green sea, which was only sixteen inches from the deck of the vessel. I would not now cross the Cape Fear in such a craft, and I look back in wonder and thankfulness that our lives were spared through the dangers of that expedition. We had fine weather for ten days at sea, otherwise our frail craft would never have seen the land again. At last we sighted the tall, white lighthouse on Cape Carnavoral, off which a mile distant we anchored and proceeded two at a time in our cockle shell of a dingy to land in the surf. I was much interested at the sight of cormorants fishing in a circle off the Cape. These ■creatures assembled there by thousands, and, forming a huge Blockade Running. 383 circle on the water about a rnile in circumference, gradually narroAved the inside space by swimming towards the center, driving the fish before them and filling their peculiar and spacious jDOuclies under their bills until they were too heavily laden to fly. 1 waited on board until the last passage to the beach. The others had landed in safety, although with wet skins. Before leaving the schooner, Captain Wark warned me against standing u]3 in the small boat while in the break- ers, which would inevitably capsize it. This precaution would have been heeded but for a school of ravenous sharks which met us on the way and seized the two oars, breaking them like pipe stems in their ugly mouths. The negro boy who was with me in the boat became panic-stricken and stood up against my warning as we entered the surf on a big roller. We were instantly thrown high in the air, the boat came down with a crash and I found myself on the bottom clawing the sand until I emerged upon dry land. The others rushed in and saved the darkey and the boat, upon which he managed to return to the schooner. With a wave of the hand, Captain Wark hoisted sail and left us helpless on the beach. We tramped to the lighthouse about a mile away and found it dismantled and deserted. From its lantern gallery, sixty feet high, we surveyed the Cape upon which there was no human habitation. We then set out to walk across the Cape and reached an old landing on the estuary of St. John's river, which we afterwards learned was called the Bay of Biscay be- cause of its exposed position and rough sea. Here we found a rough batteau hewn from a cypress log, and in it our entire party of five persons crossed that dangerous sea, fourteen miles, to the main land. I never in all my life had seen so many alligators ; within a cable's length of our boat I counted forty-five large ones. In paddling our canoe we carefully avoided them, but several of these ugly creatures rose within a few feet of our boat. We were thankful to get on shore again and we shaped our course at once to walk toward Ocala, one hundred and seventy-five miles distant. The spring had been unusually dry and we suffered much during the first two days from lack of drinking water. We were armed with sheath knives and pistols strapped to our waists. The former 384 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. were very useful for digging holes two feet deep in the porons earth through which enough brackish water oozed to quench our thirst. On the third evening at dusk I missed my knife and went back to look for it, the others going forward. The road was blind and the darkness settled upon me so rapidly that I lost my way. The melancholy cry of the whippoorwill met me at every turn, and I realized for the second time in my life a sense of abject and hopeless fear. I recalled to the minutest detail a similar experience when I had been sent from a kins- man's plantation in Duplin county to the salt works on Ma- sonboro Sound. Fortunately for me our company made their camp fire for the night shortly after we were separated by which I soon rejoined them. We usually slept on the ground under a tree, as all the plantation houses we found were deserted, and we -were warned by the only man whom we met against any demonstration likely to attract attention from the Fed- erals who sometimes were seen in the vicinity, or from bush- whackers and deserters who were simply highwaymen. About a week from the time we landed on the cape we reached the outskirts of Ocala, when we learned for the first time of the general surrender. We tlien buried the Confederate dis- patches under an old tree and continued our tramp to Gaines- ville, thence to Jacksonville, from which we proceeded to Fernandina. From there we were sent under guard to Hil- ton TTead to report to General Gilmore, where we arrived after dark. I was left with Mr. Carroll to watch the knap- sacks while the others went to headquarters. A tug was alongside bound for Charleston. Carroll and I thought the chance too good to be lost and leaving the baggage we quickly slipped over the side and hid ourselves on the tug, which landed us in Charleston the next morning. There we dodged about the wharves all day, evading the sentries, and secured at dusk passage on another tug for Wilmington. As we ap- ]:>roached the main bar without a blockader in sight, we real- ized the fact that peace had returned to our distracted coun- try. When we landed at Wilmington, neither Carroll nor I Blockade Running. 385 had taken any oath of allegiance since we left Nassau, nor had we been paroled nor questioned on the wav. TJIE CAREKR OF CAPTAIN'^ JOH::^ X. ^MAFFITT. The biography of this uiudest hero has never been written. I give the following brief sketch prepared by the accom- plished Mrs. J. ]^. Maffitt at the time of her distinguished husband's decease. '^'John Xewland ]\Laffitt was born at sea on 22 February, 1819. His parents were Rev. .Tohn Xewland Maffitt and Ann Carnicke, his wife. Rev. Mr. ]\Iaffitt, having deter- mined to emigi'ate to America, left Ireland with his wife and family late in January or early in February, and landed in Xew York on 21 April, 1819, his son having been born on the passage. Their first home was in Connecticut. When John was about five years old his uncle, Dr. William ^laf- fitt, who had accompanied them to America, visited his brother. Rev. My. ]\laffitt, and finding him in straightened circumstances, begged to adopt their son, and on the consent of his parents. Dr. Maffitt brought his nephew to Fayette- ville, N. C. Some years were passed in this hap])v liome of his boyhood, when his uncle determined to send him to school at White Plains, X. Y. As a little stripling, he started by the old time stage coach with his ticket tacked to his jacket, and on his arrival much curiosity was shown to see the little boy who had come alone fi*om his distant Southern home. He remained at this school under Professor Swinburn until he was 13 years old, when his father's friends obtained for him a commission as midshipman in the United States navy. ''His first orders were to the St. Louis, then at Pensacola navy yard. His second sea orders were to the Consiitution, the flagship of the squadron, commanded by Commodore El- liott, then fitting out for the Mediterranean. This cruise lasted three years and six months, and it was during that time that most of the incidents related in the Nautilus took place. Having been appointed aid to Commodore Elliott, the young midshipman had many advantages not otherwise obtainable. He was next ordered to the frigate Macedonian as past midshipman, and it was while in port at Pensacola, 25 386 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. Fla., that ho had his lirst experience of 'yellow jack' and came near losing his life. His first independent command was the Gallatin. lie conmianded also the brig- Dolphin and several others. He was engaged under Professor Bache for some years on the coast survey, and was of great service to the professor, wliicli the latter was not slow to acknowledge. Much of their work was in the harbors of Xantucket, Charles- ton, Wilmington and Savannah. A channel in the harbor of Charleston still bears his name. "In January, 1860, while in command of the Crusader j, and also acting as paymaster of the vessel, he was ordered by the Secretary of the Navy to proceed to Mobile and there cash a check on the collector of the port for prize money due the officers and crew. The city being agitated at the time by the ordinance of secession just passed by the State of Ala- l3ama, he was forced to put his vessel in a defensive position and soon retired to the port of Havana. Here, failing to ne- gotiate with the Bank of Havana for the funds requisite for the necessities of the vessel, he advanced from his private funds the money needed to work the steamer to New York, where he was ordered. He turned the steamer over to the proper authorities and went to Washington to settle his ac- counts. His cash accounts received no attention, though for several nioiiths he was a constant applicant for settlement. A trying ]wsition was his since his wife was dead and his children had no Idnsfolk save in North Carolina. If he re- mained in the navy his property, which was all North, would be secured to him. All that appealed to his interests lay there. I.ove of profession was entwined with every fibre of his being. On the other hand he would have been com- pelled to fight against his people — perhaps fired upon the very home that had sheltered him and was then sheltering his defenceless children. One night a friend informed him that his name was down for arrest the next day. His affections drew him South. His resignation having been accepted, he felt free to leave and cast his fortunes with his people. "His war record is well known. Captain Maffitt reached N'assau 16 May, 1862, and at the request of Captain Bul- lock, Confederate navy agent in Europe, he took charge of Blockade Rlnnixg. 387 the iiunl)oat Ore to. afterwards christened the Florida, and hastened to sea. Afterwards he was in command of the blockade-runners Lilian, Ovl and other vessels engaged in bringing in supplies and munitions of war for the South. His brilliant career on the seas continued until the failure of his health compelled his resignation in April or June, 1864. "At the close of the war, his property confiscated and he an exile, he applied for a conunand in the English merchant ser- vice and was given the command of a fine steamer running between Livei"pool and Rio Janeiro. She was subsequently sold to the. Brazilian Government, and used as an army trans- port. While conveying several hundred soldiers to the scene of action, smallpox broke out among them, and as the well refused to nurse the sick or bury the dead, these duties de- volved u]^on Captain Maffitt, and a fearful time he had- — ■ 'sickening to the last degree' — he described it; and the sol- diers were mutinuous and without discipline. He retained command of this steamer for eighteen months, Avhen at the iirgent entreaty of his family, he resigned the command and caine home. He soon after pui'chased a small farm near Wilming-ton, where he resided for nearly eighteen years. In July, 1885, he moved to Wilmington. For a year or two his health had been failing, but he determined to make a brave effort to retrieve his fortunes and provide for his young family. The disappointment of that hope was too great a shock for his feeble frame ; the thought that he could no longer provide for his loved ones broke his heart. After an illness of more than three months, he died on 15 May, 1886, in the 68th year of his age." The following experience of Captain Maffitt in running the blockade, is told by himself: "In consequence of my knowledge of the Southern coast, 1 was ordered to command one of the steamers offered to the government by Frazier, Trenholm & Co., of Charleston, S. C. She was reported to be unusually fast, and could sto-w to advantao'e 700 bales of cotton. With the cargo on board we de]Tarted from Wilmington and before sunset anchored off the village of Smithville (Southport). Twilight afforded an 388 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. excellent opportunity to reconnoitre tlie enemy. They were numerons and assumed their stations with an air of vigilance that seemed to announce the channel as hermetically sealed for the night. The 2^1'ospect afforded no joyful anticipa- tions of a pleasant exit. As it was necessary to bide the niovements of the moon, her sluggishness in retiring for the night was regarded with considerable impatience. At last her royal majesty, over the margin of the western horizon, tips us a knowing wink and disappears. In silence Caswell is i:)assed and a dim glimpse of Fort Campbell affords a fare- well view (jf Dixie as the steamer's head is turned seaward through the channel. The swelling greetings of the Atlantic billows announce that the bar is passed ; over the cresting waves the good craft swiftly dashes as if impatient to promptly face her trials of the night. Through the settled dai'lsuess all eyes on board are peering, eagerly straining to :-atcli ,1 vien* of the dreaded sentinels who sternly guard the tabooed channel. Xothing white is exposed to view, every ligiil is extinguished save those that are hooded in the bin- nacle and engine room. Xo sound disturbs the solemn silence of the moment but the dismal moaning of the north- east wind and the unwelcome but unavoidable dashing of our paddles. Xiglit glasses scan the bleared horizon for a time in vain ; suddenly an officer with bated breath announces sev- eral steamers. Eagerty pointing, he reports two at anchor and others slowly cruising. Instantly out of the gloom and spoon-drift emerges the sombre phantom form of the block- ading fleet. The monient of trial is at hand; firmness and decision are essential for the emergency. Dashing between the two at anchor, we pass so near as to excite astonishment at our non-discoverj', but this resulted from the color of our hull, which under certain stages of the atmosphere, blended so perfectly with the haze as to render the steamer invisible. How keenly the grim hulls of the enemy are watched ! How taut, like harp strings, evei'y nerve is strung, anxiously vibrat- ing with each pulsation of the throbbing heart ! We emerged to windward from the two at anchor. 'Captain,' whispered the pilot, 'according to my chop logic, them chaps aren't going to squint us this blessed night I' Ere a response could Blockade Running. 389 be littered, a broad spread flash of intense light blazed from the flag's Drummond, for in passing to windward the noise of onr paddles betrayed the proximity of a blockade-runner. 'Full speed I' I shouted to the engineer. Instantly the in- creased revolutions responded to the order. Then came the roar of heavy guns, the howl of shot and scream of bursting shells. Around, above and through the severed rigging the iron demons howled as if pandemonium had discharged its infernal spirits into the air. Under the influence of a ter- rible shock, the steamer quivers with aspen vibrations. An explosion follows ; she is struck ! " 'What's the damage ?' I asked. " 'A shell, sir. has knocked overboard several bales of cot- ton and wounded two of the crew,' was the response of the boatswain. By the sheen of the Drummond lights the sea is so clearly ilhiminated as to exliibit the perils of our posi- tion, and show the grouping around us of the fleet as their batteries belched forth a hail storm of angry missiles. In the turmoil of excitement, a frightened passenger, contrary to orders, invaded the bridge. Wringing his hands in ag- ony, he implored me to surrender and save his life and the lives of all on board. Much provoked. I directed one of our quartermasters stationed near me to take the lubber below. Without ceremony, he seized the unhappy individual, and as he hurried him towards the cabin, menacingly exclaimed, 'Shut up your fly trn]!, or by the poirres of Moll Kelly, I'll hold ye up as a target for the derision of them Yankee giin- ners.' "As perils multiplied our Mazeppa speed increased, and gradually withdrew us from the circle of danger. At last we distanced the party. Spontaneously the crew gave three hearty cheers as relief to their pent-up anxiety, and everyone began to breathe more naturally. This was my tenth epi- sode in running the blockade. During the night we were subjected to occasional trials of speed, to avoid suspicious strangers whose characters could not be determined. In fact, nothing in the shape of a steamer was to be trusted, as we entertained the belief that Confederates were Ishmaelites upon the broad ocean — the recipients of no man's courtesy. 390 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. *'Day dawned upon one of the ocean's most beautiful morn- iiig's ; the soft, bhie sky circled the blue horizon, and over the broad expanse a profound calm settled upon the sleeping waters. It seemed difficult to realize that such serenity was ever tortured into the most wild and terrific commotion by the rude storms and hurricanes that often hold high revelry where now not a ruffled wave appeared or a gentle ripple bleared the mirrored surface. Solitary and alone we pur- sued our voyage, flattered with the hope that it would ter- minate without interruption. At 4 in the afternoon w^e were aroused from this felicitous reverie by the familiar cry from the mast-head of 'Sail hoi' " "Can you make her out,' was the official interrogatory. " 'Yes, sir; a large steamer heading for us.' Our course Avas immediately changed ; so was that of the stranger. When she Avas reported we were engaged in overhauling the engines and cleaning fires. Of course, our speed under these cir- cumstances was inconsiderable, and the steamer neared us without difficulty. The old flag was recognized — in former daj's a Avelcome l)anner — and the chase commenced. Xight approaches in a royal blazonry of gold and crimson, the sun sinks ])elow the horizon, leaving a brief twilight to light up the scene of contest. Some derangement of our engines depletes our speed, and the unpleasant knowl- edge causes the thermometer of hope to fall below zero. Perplexed and annoyed, I debated the expediency of reliev- ing the vessel by thro-\ving overboard a pr»rtir)n of her cargo. Fortunately a happy thought came into my mind. Promptly acting upon the mental suggestion, I sent for the chief en- gineer and in(j aired if he had a quantity of coal dust conven- ient. T have, sir.' was the response. 'Be ready in fifteen minutes to feed with it. and have at hand clean fuel that will not smoke. The order will be given in due season.' "In the darkness of night a chasing vessel is guided by the smoke of the fleeing craft. This fact was familiar from ex- perience, and at the proper time I availed myself of the ac- quired knowledge. The enemy held his own, thoiigh at times we thought he gained upon us. At length I directed the engineer to give a libei-al application of coal dust, and in- Blockade Running. 391 stantly dense volumes of sooty vapor rolled out of the fun- nels and traveled on the bosom of the northeast winds to the southward and westward. By the aid of good glasses we were charmed to observe that the bait had been swallowed^ as the Federals steadily pursued our bank of smoke. When this became obvious, clean coal was applied that emitted no tell-tale evidence of our position. The course was changed to the northward, and our juirsuer left to capture the Confed- erate shadow. This successful ruse excited much hilarity and considerable laughter over what was considered a 'cute trick.' At sunrise, entering the friendly port of jSTassau we were warmly greeted by many friends — by none more vocif- erously than the sons of Africa. The cargo was promptly landed, ajiJ [he return freight received on board. * * * "We are ready to depart ; friends bid us farewell with lugubrious indulgence of fears for our safety, as the hazards of bbx'kade-running had recently increased in consequence of the accumulated force and vigilance of the enemy. Dis- regarding gloomy prognostications, at dusk we left the har- bor. Before break of day Abaco light was sighted, a place of special interest to Federal cruisers as the turning point of blockade-runners. At the first blush of day we were startled by the close proximity of three American men-of-war. I^ot the least obeisance made they, but with shot and shell paid the early compliments of the morning. The s])lintering spars and damaged bulwarks warned us of the necessity for traveling, particularly as 000 barrels of gunpowder consti- tuted a portion of our cargo. A chance shell ex]iloding in the hold, Avould have consigned steamer and all hands to tophet. We were in capital running condition and soon passed out of range. Tenaciously our pursuers held on to the chase, though it was evident tliat tlie fleet Confederate experienced no diflieulty in giving them the go by. In the zenith of our enjoyment of a refreshing sense of relief the old cry of 'Sail ho!' came from aloft. The lookout announced two steamers ahead and standing for us. A system of zig- zag running became necessary to elude the persistent enemy. Our speed soon accomplished the object. In about three hours the Federals faded under the horizon, and our proper 392 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. course for the Cape Fear was resumed. Those who needed repose retired for the indulgence. My relaxation from of- ficial cares was of brief duration, as a gruff voice called out: 'Captain, a bui'ning vessel reported aloft, sir !' Repairing on deck, bv the aid of a spy glass, I could distinctly see some four miles ahead a vessel enveloped in smoke. Though not ourselves the suljjects of charity, nevertheless we were human and as seamen, cherished the liveliest sympathy for the un- fortunate who came to grief on God's watery highway. Re- gardless of personal interest, your true Jack Tar scorns the role of Pharisee and prides himself upon the Samaritan pro- clivities that fail not to succor the sufferer by the wayside. Increasing our speed, we ran quite near to the burning vessel. She proved to be a Spanish barque, with ensign at half-mast. Out of her fore hatch arose a dense smoke. Aloft were clus- tered a panic-stricken group of passengers and crew. Among them several ladies were observed. An ineffectual effort had been made to hoist out the long boat, which was still sus- peuded by the yard and stay tackles. Sending an officer aloft to keep a sharj) lookout, that we might not be surprised by the enemy while succoring the unfortunate, the chief mate was dispatched in the cutter to render such assistance as his professional intelligence might suggest. He found the few passengers, among whom were four ladies, much calmer than the officers and crew ; the latter, instead of endeavoring to extinguish the fire, which had broken out in the forecastle cojiiparfment. wore confusedly hauling upon the stay tackle in a vain effort to launch the long boat. Our mate, with his boat's crew, ]")assed the jabbering, panic-stricken Spaniards, and ]U'oceeded at once to the forecastle, which he instantly de- luged with water, and to the astonishment of all hands, speed- ily subdued the trifling conflagration, which proved to have resulted from the burning of a quantity of lauip rags that had probably been set on fire by one of the crew, who had carelessly emptied his ]npe when about to repair on deck. The quantity of old duds that lay scattered aljout Jack's luxuriously furnished apartment supplied abundant mate- rial for raising a dense smoke, but the rough construction of the vessel iu this locality fortunately offered nothino- inflam- Blockade Running. 393 naable and the i^reat sensation, under the influence of a cool head, soon subsided into a farce. The mate, who was much of a wag, enjoyed the general perturbation of the passengers, particularly on ascertaining that three of the ladies hailed from Marblehead, and were returning from a visit made to an uncle who owned a well stocked sugar plantation near Sagua LaGrande, in Cuba. A Spanish vessel bound to Hali- fax had been selected to convey them to a British port conven- ient for transportation to iSTew York or Boston without risk of being captured by Confederate 'buccaneers,' who, ac- cording to Culian rumors, 'swarmed over the ocean and were decidedly anthropophagous in their proclivities.' "A hail from the steamer caused the mate to make his adieu, but not bef«u-e announcing himself as one of the awful Southern slave-holders they had in conversation anathema- tized. They could not believe that so kind and polite a gen- tleman could possibly be a wicked 'rebel.' 'But I am, ladies, and also a slave-holder, as is your uncle ; farewell !' Instead of manifesting anger at the retort, they laughed heartily and waved their handkerchiefs in kind adieu, utterly unsuspi- cious of having received kindness and courtesy from a block- ade-runner. We made the best of speed on our way to Wil- mington. The following day, our last at sea, proved undis- turbed and pleasant. x\t sunset the bar bore west-northwest 70 miles distant. It would be high water at 11 :30, the proper time for crossing. Sixty miles I determined to dash off at full speed, and then run slowly for disentangling our- selves from the fleet. "None but the experienced can a]')preciate the difficulties that ]ierplexed the navigators in running for Southern har- bors during the war. The usual facilities rendered by light houses and beacons had ceased to exist, having been dispensed with In- the Confederate government as dangerous abettors of contemplated miscliief by the blockaders. Success in making the destined harbors de]')ended upon exact navigation, a knowledge of the coast, its surroundings and currents, a fear- less a]iproach, and banishment of the subtle society of John Barleycorn. Non-experts too often came to grief, as the many hulks on the Carolina coast attest. Under a pressure 394 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'6o. of steam we rushed ahead, annihilating space and melting with excited fancy hours into minutes. Our celerity short- ens the distance, leaving only ten miles between us and the bar. With guiding lead, slowly and carefully we feel our way. 'Captain,' observed the sedulous chief officer, as he strove to peer through the hazy atmosphere, 'it seems to me from our soundings that we should be very near the blockad- ers. Don't you think so ?' 'I do,' was my response. 'Hist! there goes a bell — one, two, three, four, five, six, seven — ll:.")!), a decidedly good calculation, and it is high w^ater on the bar. By jove ! there are two just ahead of us, and I think both are at anchor. Doubtless others are cruising around there, indicators of the channel.' ''I ordered the helm put hard a-starboard, directing the wheelman to run between the two blockaders, as it is too late to steer clear of either. Through a bank of clouds huge, grim objects grew distinctly into view and necessity forced me to run the gauntlet, trusting against hope that our transit would not arouse their vigilance. They were alert vessels, for a crackling, hissing sound was instantly followed by the fiery train of a rocket, succeeded by the dreaded calcium lights with a radiance brilliant though brief, so as to illumi- nate distinctly an area of miles. '' 'Heave to, or I'll sink you !' shouted a gruff, imperious voice, so near that we could fancy his speaking trumpet pro- jected over the steamer. 'Ay, ay, sir !' was the prompt re- sponse, and to the horror of all on board I gave the order in a loud voice, 'Stop the engine I' '^hen was heard the boat- swain's whistle, the cutting away of cutters and the tramp- ing of boats' crews. Our impetus had caused the steamer to nearly emerge from between the Federals. Back your engines, sir, and stand by to receive my boats,' said the same stern voice. Affirmatively acknowledging the com- mand, I whis]")ered loud enough for the engineer to hear me, 'Full speed ahead, sir, and o]ien wide your throttle valve.' "The movements of the paddles for a moment deceived the Federal commander into the belief that we were really back- ing, but, speedily comprehending the manoeuver, with very fierce execrations, he a'ave the order to fire. Drummond Blockade Running. 395 lights were burned, doubtless to aid artillerists, but so radia- ted the mist as to raise our hull above the line of vision, caus- ing the destructive missiles to play havoc with the sparse rigging instead of shattering our hull and probably explod- ing the nine hundred barrels of gunpowder, with which Gen- eral Johnston afterwards fought the battle of Shiloh. It cer- tainly was a miraculous escape for both blockader and block- ade-runner. ''We paused not recklessly, but at the rate of sixteen knots an hour absolutely flew out of unhealthy company who dis- courteously followed us with exploding shells, and for some time kept up such a fusillade as to impress us with the belief that the l)lockaders had inaugurated a 'Kilkenny Cat Mud- dle,' and were polishing off each other, a supposition whif^h I subsequently learned was partially correct. "The breakers warned us of danger, and the smooth water indicated the channel tlirough which we passed in safety, and at 1 o'clock in the morning we anchored off the venerable vih lage of Smirhville (uoav Soutli]")ort). Then came the men- tal and physical reaction, producing a feeling of great pros- tration, relieved by the delightful realization of having passed througli the fiery ordeal in safety and freedom. " 'If after every tempest came such calms, May the winds blow 'till they have weakened death ; And let laboring barks climb hill of seas Olympus high ! and duck again as low As hell's from heaven.' "After sunrise we proceeded to Wilmington, where our cargo was quickly discharged. Having obtained our return cargo, in company with two other blockade-runners I started for Xassau : and although the sentinels of the bar i /resented me with affectionate souvenirs in the way of shot and shell, Thov did but little damage. My companions came to grief, thertby adding to the prize fund that was shared by iho gov- ernment with the officers of the blockade squadron." Shortly after joining the Confederacy, Captain Maffitt went to England, took conmiand of the blockade-runner Lilian, of wliich this compiler was purser, and returned to the Confederacy through the ]iort of Wilmington. He was 396 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. then ordered to relieve Captain Cooke at Plymouth, IST. C, from the command of the Albemarle, which had been so won- derfully constructed and handled by Captain Cooke in the attack on the 8outh/ield and Miami. From this duty Cap- tain MafRtt was soon relieved and ordered to the command of the Oivl, one of the blockade-runners purchased by the Gov- ernment in England. The 21st of December, 1864, found him on board the Oicl, at Wilmington, receiving her cargo of 750 bales of cotton. With three other blockade-runners in company, he started for the bar. He escaped the Federal sentinels ''without the loss of a rope yarn," though one of his companions came to grief through an accident to her machin- ery. Their destination was St. George's, Bermuda, which they reached in safety and found several steamers loaded and anxiously awaiting news from the Federal expedition under General Butler against Fort Fisher. A Halifax steamer brought in the ISTorthern papers which apprised them of the failure of the expedition ; and in company with six other steamers and many gallant spirits the Otrl started on her re- turn to Dixie, much clieered by the joyful news. In the meantime another expedition, fitted out under General Terry and Admiral Porter, had been successful, and the river was in possession of the Federals. In communication with Lock- wood's Folly, all was reported quiet and Fisher still intact. Captain Maffitt steamed for the Cape Fear. At 8 o'clock it was high water on the bar and the moon would not rise before 11. Approaching the channel he was surprised to see but one sentinel guarding the entrance. Eluding him, he passed in. Some apprehension was excited by a conflagration at Bald Head and non-response to his signals ; but, as Fort Caswell looked quiet and natural, he decided to anchor off the fort wharf. He was immediately interviewed by the chief of ordnance and artillery, E. S. Martin, and another officer, who informed him of the state of affairs, and that the train was already laid for blowing up Fort Caswell. Gun-boats were approaching, and in great distress Captain Maffitt hast- ily departed. The solitary blockader pursued him furiously for some time, and far out at sea he heard the explosion that Blockade Running. 397 announced the fate of Caswell. As his cargo was important and much needed, Captain Maffitt determined to make an effort to enter the port of Charleston, although he had been informed that it was more closely guarded than ever before. TJie rest of the story is told in Captain Maffiitt's inimita- ble style : "The history of the five steamers, in whose company I sailed from the harbor of St. George's, is briefly told. "Captain Wilkinson, the late gallant commander of the Chichamaugn , was too experienced and keen a cruiser to be caught in a trap. Convinced from observation that there was 'something rotten in the state of Denmark,' he judi- ciously returned to Bermuda. The remaining three were decoyed into ]^ew Inlet by the continuance of Mound light, and became easy prey under the following circumstances. First, the Stag, with several English officers on board as pas- sengers, deceived by Admiral Porter's cuteness, crossed the bar, and, as was customary, anchored under the mound, then to abide the usual visit of inspection from the boarding of- ficer of Fort Fisher. Waiting for some time without re- ceiving the official call, the captain naturally concluded it had been deferred until daylight. Tie therefore directed the steward to serve the entertainment that had been elaborately prepared to celebrate their safe arrival in the Confederacy. The gastronomic hidalgo flourished his baton of office, and es- corted his guests to the festive board. In shouts of revelry and with floAving bumpers, the jocund party huzzahed for Dixie, and sang her praises in songs of adulation that made the welkin ring, and aroused the seamen from their peaceful slumber. A pause from exhaustion having occurred in their labor of justice to the luxurious repast gave to an English captain a desired opportunity to ventilate in appropriate sen- timents his appreciation of the joyful occasion. Mysteri- ously rapping to enjoin attention, in the silence that folloAved, he solemnly arose. At a wave of his dexter, the steward, all alertness, replenished the glasses. " 'Gentlemen,' said the captain, 'after a successful voyage, fraught with interesting incidents and excitements, we have anchored upon the soil of battleworn, grand old Dixie. We 398 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. come not as mercenary adventurers to enlist under the ban- ner of the Confederacy, but like true knights errant to join as honorable volunteers the standard of the bravest lance in Christendom, that of the noble, peerless Lee. (Cheers — 'hear hear!') In gaining this Palestine of our chivalrous as]u rations, we have successfully encountered the more than ordinary ]:)erils of the sea in storm, the lingering chase, and hazards of the blockade. Through all vicissitudes there was a mind to conceive, a hand to guide, a courage to execute. Gentlemen, I propose the health, happiness, and speedy pro- motion of the officer who merits these commendations — our worthy commander.' "Mingled with vociferous applause came the customary hi]! ! hip ! liuzzah ! hip ! hip ! huz- "The half uttered huzzali froze like an icicle on the petri- fied li]3s of the orator, who — " 'With wild surprise, As if to marble struck, devoid of sense, A stupid moment, motionless stood ' as the apparition of a Federal midshipman appeared upon the cabin stairway. '''Who commands this steamer?' w^as the Federal's in- terrogatory. " 'I am that unhappy individual,' groaned the commander as reminiscences of a long confinement came painfully to his mind. " 'You are a prize to Admiral Porter's squadron, and I relieve you from all further responsibility. Gentlemen, as paioled prisoners, you are at leisure to finish your repast.' "The withering enunciation of capture blighted like a black frost the hopeful blossoms that had under the inspir- ing influence of the sparkling Epernay, bubbled into poetic existence. One by one the lights soon faded in this banquet hall deserted, their last glimmer falling mournfully on the debris of the unfinished congratulatory repast. Ere an hour ela])sed two more unfortunates, lured by the channel lights, entered and likewise anchored off the mound, and became a prey to Admiral Porter's fleet. "My cargo being important and the capture of Fort Fisher Blockade Running. 399 and Cape Fear cutting me off from Wilmington, I deemed it my duty to make an effort to enter the harbor of Charleston in order to deliver the mnch needed supplies. I had been informed that the blockade of that port was more stringently and numerically guarded than ever before since the begin- ning of hostilities. The Oirl's speed was more acconmiodated to the necessary time of arriving oif the bar, which was 10 p. m. Throughout the day vigilant steamers were seen along the shore inspecting inlets and coves regardless of their want of capacity for blockade purposes. This spirit of inspection and watchfulness was most assiduous, as if an order had been issued to overhaul even the coast gallinip]iers to see that aid and comfort in the shape of muskets and pistols were not smuggled into the needy Confederacy. Ocasionally one of these constables of the sea would fire up and make a dash after the Owl; a little more coal and stirring up of the fire draft was sufficient to start the blockade-runner off with such admirable speed as to convince the Federal that he was after the fleetest steamer that ever eluded the guardians of the channel-ways. "Seasonably making the })assage, 9 o'clock p. m., found us not far from the mouth of Maffitt's Channel. Anticipating a trying night and the bare possibility of capture, two bags were slung and sus]^ended over the quarter by a stout line. In these bags were placed the government mail not yet deliv- ered, all private correspondence, and my Avar journal, in- cluding the cruise of the Florida, besides many other papers. An intelligent quartermaster was ordered to stand by the bags with a hatchet, and the moment capture became inevitable, to cut adrift and let them sink. "When on the western tail end of Rattlesnake Shoal, we encountered streaks of mist and fog that enveloped stars and everything for a few moments when it would become quite clear again. Running cautiously in one of these obscura- tions, a sudden light in the haze disclosed that we were about to run into an anchored blockader. We had bare room with a hard-a-port helm to avoid him some fifteen or twenty feet, when their officer on deck called out, 'Heave to, or I'll sink you !' The order was unnoticed and we received his entire 400 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. broadside, that cut away turtle back, perforated forecastle and tore up bulwarks in front of our engine room, wounding twelve men, some severely, some slightly. "The quartermaster stationed by the mail bags was so convinced that we were captured that he instantly used his hatchet, and sent them well-moored to the bottom ; hence my meagre account of the cruise of the Florida. Rockets were fired as we passed quickly out of his range of sight, and Urummond lights lit up the animated surroundings of a swarm of blockaders, which commenced an indiscriminate discharge of artillery. We could not understand the reason of this bombardment, and, as we picked our way out of the mc'lop, concluded that several blockade-runners must have been discovered feeling their way into Charleston. '■.After tlie Avar, in conversing with the officer commanding on rlial occasion, he said that a number of the steamers of the blockade were commanded by inexperienced volunteer of- ficers, who were sometimes overzealous and excitable, and heaiino- the gun-boat firing into me, and seeing her rockets and signal lights, they thought that innumerable blockade- runners were forcing a passage into the harbor ; hence the in- discriminate discharge of artillery which was attended with unfortunate result to them. This was my last belligerent as- sociation with blockade-running. Entering the harbor of Galveston and finding it in the possession of Federals, I promptly checked progress and retreated. The last order issued by the Xavy Department when all hope for the cause had departed, was for me to deliver the Owl to Frazier, Tren- holm 8z Co., in Liverpool; which I accordingly did." GEO. c. m'dougal, a remarkabt.e blockade-runner. The most successful blockade runner of the four years' war, the man who began at the beginning as chief engineer of tlie first steamer, and ended his career in the same capac- ity at the termination of the Confederacy^, is one of the quiet- est, most unobtrusive persons who walks the streets of Wil- mington. A stranger interested in the heroic stories of the war, would never single him out as a fearless, intrepid en- gineer, who bore the highest record of sixty-five successful Blockade Running. 401 voyages through the blockade, and who was only once captured during his four years' service at sea, but would more likely suppose him to be the owner of a timber raft or a well-to-do farmer who had come to see about the chances of a rise in cotton. He might talk to him all day and never be the wiser, for this modest man, Mr. George C. McDougal, is not given to stories of his own exploits, and is only known to those who a])preciate his sterling wurth and who have the privilege of his friendship. At the close of the war, Mr. McDougal retired to Rosin- dale, on the Carolina Central Railroad, where he engaged in turpentine distilling and in general merchandise for ten or fifteen years until the business becoming unprofitable, he gave it up. His product in spirits turpentine and rosin were so carefully prepared and handled that the mark "G. C. McD." became a favorite brand, especially in Baltimore, to which point many thousands of his barrels were shipped from Wilmington. Strictly honorable in all his dealings, accu- rate and painstaking in every detail, his name in trade as in his profession "goes" everywhere he is. known without ques- tion. He still retains his residence in Wilmington and spends a part of his time near the scene of his blockade-run- ning exploits. He began his professional life as chief engineer of one of the steamers plying between Wilmington and Charleston be- fore the building of the railroads, and at the outbreak of the war was selected as chief engineer of the Confederate steamer Gordon, l\y her well-known commander, Captain Thomas J. T.ockwood, his brother-in-law. Lockwood was one of the most capable blockade runners of the war, and as long as he bad the benefit of Mr. McHougal's superior mechanical skill and quick judgment, was very successful. They were to- gether in the Gordon, the Kate, the tJlizabetli, and in several other boats subsequently, and when Lockwood went abroad to take command of his splendid new steamer, the Colonel Lamb, McDougal was made chief engineer of the little Sirene, which proved to be the most successful blockade-run- ner of the war, because the Mascot went with her. If they made a landfall on the darkest night and McDougal ascer- 26 402 North Caroijna Troops, 1861 -'65. tained the bearings within a hnndred miles of Cape Fear bar, ]ie could tell by his revolutions and by the scraping of the ship's bottom on the lumps usually fonned near the coast inlets all the way up or down, the exact position of his steamer from hour to lioiir until the goal was reached. His thorough knowledge of the coast, his coolness under fire and his never failing good judgment extricated the Sirene from many tight places when the captain was at his wit's end. On one occasion in the Kate, I.ockwood had run inside the line of blockaders at the main bar some distance up the beach, and stiddenly took the ground while jammed between an anchored man-of-war and the breakers. The blockader did not see him, although so near that no one on board the Kate was permitted to speak above a whisper. The tide was near the last of the ebb and there were only a few hours of darkness in which to work. jMcDougal, always ready for an emergency, had promptly loaded the safety valve down witli m bag of iron castings to prevent any noise from escaping steam, and when it became absolutely necessary the steam was blown off very gently under the water. The boats were low- ered noiselessly and several passengers and a lot of valuables landed in the surf on the lee side of the vessel with orders to proceed to Fort Caswell in the distance. At first it seemed im])ossible to save the ship as any noise from her paddles would inevitably have led to her destruction by the block- ad ei's, which were seen plainly only a cable's length from the Kate's ])erilous ]iositioii. Lockwood held a consultation with his trusted engineer, and decided to open the gangway and quietly slide overboard a lot of lead wire in heavy coils, which was ]»art of the in^\'ard cargo, and which was intended to 1)0 cut into bullets by the Confederate Government. This served to lighten the ship and also as an effectual bulkhead which prevented the vessel from working higher up on the beach when the tide turned, and the discharge went on for some time without ap]iarent effect ; but the rising tide soon after began to bump the bilges of the vessel against the sand bank inside. Lockwood proposed an attempt to back clear or to beach her at once, but the ''Boss," as McDougal was called, cahnlv showed him that unless thev were sure of float- Blockade Running. 403 ing clear on the lirst attempt they woiikl never be permitted to make a second trial, as the paddles would surely betray them to the Heet. .Vnother hfteen minutes that seemed an hour of suspense, and the captain again urged immediate action, but the im})erturbable engineer said: "Wait a little longer, Oakie ; she is rising every minute; let us be sure of getting off before we make the eli'ort." Meantime the bimip- ing increased and at last with everytliing in readiness and a full head of steam, the engines were reversed full speed, and the Kate quickly afloat and responding to the wheel, gallantly passed tlie Ijlockading fleet in the gray dawn and shortly af- terwards anchored under the guns of Fort CasAvell. She had hardly swung to the anchor before she was seen l)y the disap- pointed blockaders who sent shell after shell flying after her, bursting in such uncomfortable proximity, that the Kate was moved up to Mrs. Stuart's wharf at Smithville, where the shell and solid shot still followed them, many passing in a line more than a thousand yards beyond the wharf. With the aid of a good glass a man could be seen in the foretop of the Federal flagship with a liag in his hand which he waved to right or left as he saw the effect of the firing ; this enabled the gunners to better their aim until the shells struck just astern of the Kate or passed in a line ahead of the vessel. On a closer approach of the fleet they were driven off by Fort Caswell's lieaviest guns. The Kate and her crew were in great peril on this occasion, owing to the fact that there Avere a thousand barrels of gun]')owder on board for the Con- federacy, making the risk from the shells extremely hazard- ous. Mr. McDougal said to me on this occasion that when the Yankees began shelling them at Fort Caswell, a detach- ment of soldiers was being embarked for Wilmington on the Confederate transport, James T. Petteivay, and that when the first shell struck the beach near the Petteivay, the whole company broke ranks and ran like rabbits for the fort again. Some time ago the Wilmington Daily Review published an account of the recovery of a large lot of lead wire from the bottom of the sea near Fort Caswell. This was doubt- less part of the Kate's cargo thrown overboard as described. On one occasion the Sirene nearly fell into a trap, but was 404 North Carolina Troops, 18G1-'65. saved by the cool judgment and remarkable skill of her pilot, John Hill. Captain Ryan had anchored during the day at Smithville, in full view of the blockading* fleet, intending to run oat after dark. At sunset the squadron concentrated around the western bar, leaving only one guard ship at the main bar, and the Sirene was accordingly run that night for the apparently unguarded channel. She had scarcely crossed the main bar, however, before she ran into a blockader, evad- ing which she ran afoul of another, then a third, fourth and fifth. The sea was alive with cruisers. At that moment the ship was slowed down and Hill said to McDougal : "What do you think of this, boss ?" to which he immediately re- plied: '"They have played us a Yankee trick, John, by making a show of force at the western bar before nightfall, and after dark concentrating at main bar to receive us with open arms. Our only chance is to get back inside and race for the western bar." It was a difficult undertaking to get the ship round again, requiring the most delicate handling, surrounded as she was with a hostile fleet, but Hill was equal to it, and evading each blockader, with his master hand on the wheel, brought her slowly back inside again without a shot being fired. Then the race for life began. "Now, let her go!" said he. McDougal was down in the engine room on the instant where Barbot, first assistant, was on duty. "Have you plenty of water in the boilers ?" ''Aye, aye, sir." "Then off with your pumps, down with the damper, shut the flue caps, prick out the fires, and give her the throttle as fast as steam rises I" In a few minutes the engines were driving furiously. Niemeyer, the second assistant, said they A\'ero trying to see which could get over the bow first. The little ship went flying past Fort Caswell, and ignoring the slue, drove straight over the western bar with not a blockader in sight ! There were others not so fortunate, how^ever, as several captures were made by this ruse of the Federal fleet until it became generally known, and even then the blockade- runners were puzzled because the changes of the fleet were irreffular and alwavs uncertain. Blockade Running. 405 the confederate states signal corps frederick w. gregory.. a successful operator. The Coiifederate States Signal Corps frequently rendered some very efficient service to the blockade runners after they had succeeded in getting between the blockaders and the beach, where they were also in danger of the shore batteries until their character became known at the forts. As the sig- nal system developed, a detailed member was sent out with every ship, and so important did this service become that signal officers, as they were called, were occasionally applied for by owners or captains of steamers in the Clyde or at Liv- erpool, before sailing for Bermuda or Nassau to engage in running the blockade. The first attempt to communicate with the shore batteries was a failure, and consequently the service suffered some reproach for a while, but subsequent practice with intelligent, cool-headed men resulted in com- plete success, and some valuable ships, with still more valua- ble cargoes, were saved from capture or destruction by the in- tervention of the signal service, when owing to the darkness and bad landfall, the ca]itain and pilot were alike unable to recognize their geographical position. To ]\Ir. Frederick W. Gregory, of Crowells, X. C, belongs the honor of the first success as a signal operator in this ser- vice. Identified with the corps from the beginning of the blockade, and with the Cape Fear, at Price's Creek station, which was for a long time in his efficient charge, he brought to this new and novel duty an experience and efficiency equalled by few of his colleagues and surpassed by none. It was well said of him that he was always ready and never afraid, two elements of the almost unvarying success which attended the shi])s to Avhich he was subsequently assigned. It was my good fortune to be intimately associated with Mr. Gregory for nearly two years during which we had many ups and downs together as shipmates aboard and as com]ian- ions ashore. He Avas of the few young men engaged in blockade-running who successfully resisted the evil influences and depraved associations with which we were continually surrounded. Unselfish and honorable in all his relations with his fellows, courageous as a lion in time of danger, he 406 North Carolina Troops, 1861-65. was an honor to his State and to the cause which he so worth- ily represented. During a recent visit to Wilmington, after an interval of nearly thirty years, Mr. Gregory gave me the following TiarrativCj which will doubtless prove of interest. ''Sometime early in 1863, the Confederate Government purchased on the Clyde (I think) two steamers for the pur- pose of running the blockade. The first to arrive was the Giraffe. While in the Cape Fear, Captain Alexander, who had charge of the signal corps at Smithville, suggested the propriety of putting a signal officer aboard to facilitate the ship's entering the port at night, by the use of two lights, a red and a white, covered with a shade in front of the globe to lift up and down, by which we could send messages as we did with the flag on land in the day, and with a torch at night; the red light representing the wave to the right and the white light the wave to the left. After some consultation, General Whiting ordered Captain Alexander to send up a signal officer to join the Giraffe, and Tlobert Herring was detailed for that purpose and sent to Wilmington, where the lights were pre- pared and he went aboard. The Giraffe went out and re- turned successfully, luit from some cause — I never under- stood why — Herring failed to attract the attention of the land force and sent no message ashore. In the meantime, the other steamer, the Cornubia, arrived in port, and Cap- tain Alexander having been ordered elsewhere and Lieuten- ant Doggett having l)een sent down from Uichmond to take charge of the signal corps. General Whiting ordered a sigtial officer to the Cornuhia, and I was detailed and sent to Wib mington to prepare the lights and report on board. ^'Wo cleared the bar successfully, with Captain Burroughs in command and C. C. Morse as pilot, and had a good voyage to St. George's, Bermuda, where we unloaded our cargo of cotton and reloaded with supplies for the Southern army. On our return trip we made the land fifty or sixty miles above Fort Fisher, and coasted down to the inlet, our intention being to get near the land inside the blockade fleet, which was obliged to keep off a certain distance on account of shoal water. As ■well as T remend^er, when within fifteen or twenty miles of Fort Fisher, Captain Burroughs sent for me to Blockade Running, 407 come on the bridge, and asked if I had mv lights ready and if I thought I could send a message ashore, Pilot Morse in the meantime telling me that he would let me know when we were opposite the signal station on land, where a constant Avatcli was kept all night for our signal. We had not gone far before Morse told me that we were opposite the post. We were feeling our way very slowly in the dark. I was put down on the deck with the gangway open, my lights facing the land and a screen behind, when I was ordered to call the station. The officers and sailors were highly interested in the movement and crow^ded around to watch the proceedings. I called but a few times, when I was answered from the shore by a torch. 1 turned to Captain Burroughs and told him that f had the attention of the land forces and asked what message he wished to send. He replied as follows : 'Colonel Lamb: Steamer Cornubia. Protect me. Burroughs.' I got the O. K. for the message from shore, and saw the corps on land call up one station after another and transmit my mes- sage to Fort Pisher miles ahead of us, and afterwards learned that General Whiting was notified by telegraph of the arrival of the Connibia before she crossed the bar that niirlit. When we arrived at the fort, we found Colonel Lamb down on the point with his Whitworth guns ready to protect us if neces- sary. The success of this attem])t gave an imj'tetus to the sig- nal corps, and from that time every steamer that arrived ap- plied to the Government for a signal officer befdre leaving jDort." The name of the Covmihla was subsequently chanii'ed to Lady Davis, in honor of the wife of President Davis, at Pichmond, and Captain Gale, an officer in the old navy who had gone over to the Confederacy, was placed in command. "About 20 December, 1863," Mr. Gregory adds, 'Sve left Bermuda with a cargo for Wilmin2;ton, in charge of Captain Gale, with Mr. Pobert Grissoni as \)\\o\ and myself as signal officer. We made land some miles above Wilmington, ap- parently through bad navigation, almost as far north as Cape Lookout, and when opposite Masonboro, in coasting down, we observed rockets going up behind us and not long after, they were going up directly ahead of us. We were running 408 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. at full S2:)eed when to our consternation rockets appeared quite near abreast of us ; in fact we were, apparently, sur- rounded by cruisers. There was a hurried consultation on the l)ridge. I was at my post with my lights waiting to be called when the order was given to head for the beach and drive the ship high and dry. The blockaders were then can- nonading us very heavily. When our good old ship struck the beach she ploughed up the sand for a considerable dis- tance, and keeled over on her side. The boats were lowered and every man was told to look out for himself, which I as- sure you we lost no time in doing, as we had scarcely left the ship before the enemy were boarding her from the oppo- site side and firing briskly with small arms. They followed us to the beach, and kept up a heavy fire from cannon and small arms for an hour. We dodged about in the bulrushes as best we could and made our way towards the fort. Cap- tain Gliomas, acting chief officer, took ashore with him two fine chronometers, and selected me to carry one for him, but after Ideating ai-ound with them in the rushes for an hour or so, we became exhausted and had to throw them away. I have no doubt they are still lying in the rushes on the beach. We at last met a company of soldiers who protected and es- corted us to the Sound. We forded the Sound and remained all night, and we were sent to Wilmington next day, overland, by mule teams. I always thought that it was a shame for the Lady Davis to be lost, having no doubt we could have put to sea and escaped on the occasion referred to, although I was not informed as to the supply of coal on board. Captain Gale had been very sick the day before and was too feeble to leave the ship, so remained on board and was captured and taken to Fort Warren. "The United States steamer James Adger, commanded by Ca])tain James Foster, of Bloomington, Ind., had the good fortune to ca])ture our ship and hauled her off as a prize. Strangely enough, Ca]')tain Foster was an intimate friend of the lady whom I aftervrards married in his native town, and he frequently related the incident referred to, thinking it a great joke that he forced her husband to take to the water. Blockade Running. 409 "After reaching Wilmington and supplying myself with clothing and a hat, having lost mine in the rush for the shore, T immediately went on board the steamer Flora, with Cap- tain Horner, and made a successful run to Bermuda. The Flora was considered too slow and sent back to England. I then joined the Index, commanded by Captain Marshall, and made several successful voyages on her, but she, too, was con- demned as too slow and was returned to Glasgow. I had a thrilling adventure on this ship on a homeward voyage, when for the first time in all my experience we made land opposite Bald Head light on Frying Pan Shoals. As we were coming around to ]\'ew Inlet ^ve fell in with a Federal cruiser who was so close when we discovered her that we could easily discern the mano3uvers of her men on deck. She seemed to have anchors weighed and was moving about and could have easily ca]itured us, so we were at a loss to under- stand why she did not fire into us. Some of our people de- cided that she wished to secure us as a prize without injury, as she steamed alongside of us for four miles, and all at once put lier helm hard down and went close under our stern, at- tempting to go between us and the shoals. I remember the remark of our pilot, Tom Grissom, to Cai)tain ^larshall: 'If she follows us on that course. I will wreck her before we reach the inlet.' The cruiser had only steamed half a mile or so, when she suddenly passed from view, and in a few moments a rocket went up near where we last saw her, which was repeated at short intervals. After a few minutes rock- ets could be seen going up from the whole squadron, and there was evidently a great commotion among them on ac- count of our pursuer who seemed suddenly to have gotten into serious trouble. We jiassed through the inlet without further molestation, as the entire fleet had centered their at- tention upon their unfortunate cruiser which had so suddenly gone down. When morning dawned, it revealed the Federal cruiser hard and fast on the reef with the other vessels of the squadron working manfully to relieve her. Colonel Lamb went down to the extreme point with his ^^^litworth gims and opened fire upon her. A month or so afterwards, while in Bermuda, I saw a spirited sketch of the whole affair in Frank 410 North Carolina Troops, 1861-'65. Leslie's Illustroted Neivs, giving an account of the wreck and of an investigation of the condnct of the officers in charge. I think the vessel was the gun-boat Petrel. "After the Index was sent back to Glasgow, Captain Mar- shall todk charge of the steamer Bouen, and I joined her as signal officer. We loaded our cargo and started for Wilming- ton, and on the third day out sighted a steamer about 1 o'clock p. m., which proved to be the United States steamer Keystone State, Avhich captured us after a hot chase of six hours. We were all transferred to the Margarei and Jessie, a former blockade-runner which had been captured and utilized as a cruiser. We wei'e taken to Xew York and confined in the Tombs prison. Subsequently all of the officers and crew were discharged except four of us, and we were transferred to the Ludlow street jail for further investigation. After about six weeks imprionment, we succeeded in effecting our escape through the medium of English gold, after which we went down to East river and found an old barque loaded with staves and hay for St. Thomas. Each one of us gave the captain $25.00 in gold, with the understanding that he would sail by St. George's, Bermuda, and land us there. We reached this place after several weeks to find it devastated by yellow fever. Many personal friends died with this scourge, among whom was o\n- lamented purser of the Index, Mr. Rob- ert AYilliams, a well-known native (jf Wilmington, much be- loved for his personal qualities. I made one voyage on the steamer C.hi'l. which became famous under the command of Captain John X. Maffitt. After this I joined the new steel steamer Susan Beirne, commanded by Captain Martin, of which my old friend and shi]')mate, James Sprunt, was pur- ser. After a very hazardous voyage in this ship, durin