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Rhode Island

Historical Society Collections

Vol. XXVI.

JANUARY, 1933

No. 1

METAL TOKENS USED AS CURRENCY

Metal tokens issued in Providence in 1844 and 1863 which were used as money on account of the lack of metal fractional currency.

From the Society's Museum

Issued Quarts

. JUH -7 B33 j

CA'.

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

1

PAGE

Tradesmen's Tokens ..... Cover

Colonial Newport as a Summer Resort,

by Carl Bridenbaugh ..... 1

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 24

Notes 24

Peace Dale Seals,

Communicated by Caroline Hazard . . 25

Westconnaug Purchase,

Communicated by T. G. Foster ... 26

RHODE HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI.

JANUARY, 1933

No.

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions of contributors.

Colonial Newport as a Summer Resort

"y Carl Bridenbaugh

At the southern tip of the island of Rhode Island lies Newport, of which it has been said, "The climate is the most salubrious of any part of his Majesty's possessions in America. ... It is made the resort every summer of numer- ous wealthy inhabitants of the Southern Colonies, and the West Indies, seeking health and pleasure. For the same reasons, and to enjoy the refined and polished Society of Newport, many families of fortune from the West Indies and Europe have taken up their permanent residence there ; and among them many men of science and education have . . . made it their abode. . . . There are upwards of nine thousand inhabitants, celebrated for their hospitality to strangers, and extremely genteel and courtly in their manners."1

2 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

This is not modern real estate promotion "literature," but an excerpt from a letter written in the year 1765 by Robert Melville, governor of His Majesty's Colony of Grenada. The fame which Newport enjoys today as a summer resort of wealth and fashion dates from colonial days, and long before the American Revolution it had achieved its established position as "Our Social Capital." The- climate of the Narragansett country was likened by Bishop Berkeley to that of Italy,2 and Richard Greenough, a native son, heartily echoed his sentiment when he dubbed it the "American Venice."" The Reverend Mr. Cal lender quoted with pride in his Century Sermon of 1 7.^8 the words of praise uttered by "old Neale": "this is deservedly esteemed the Paradise of New-England for the fruitful - ness of the Soil and the temperateness of the Climate."4 In 1 798, writing of the scene of his boyhood, Arthur Brown recalled that "the Climate of Rhode Island, often called the garden and the Montpelier of America, induced such num- bers of wealthy persons from the southward to reside there in the summer, that it was ludicrously called the Carolina hospital."'"

The earliest visitors to Newport were planters from the West Indies who came there to enjoy its beneficial climate. Several invalid Antiguans arrived at Newport as early as 1729, to rebuild their health which had been impaired by the excessive heat of that tropical island.1' Many of these people became enamored of the beautiful Narragansett country and determined to settle there. When Bishop Berkeley landed, in 1 729, he was greeted by the Redwoods of Antigua, the DeCourcys of Ireland, the Bretts of Ger- many, and the Scotts of Scotland. Newport was already famous as a watering place.'

Before long the South Carolinians, many of whom originally came from Barbadoes and other islands of the Caribbees, began to sense the desirability of a vacation spent away from the fever-infested swamps of the Carolina tide- water/ Among the first of the summer visitors from

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 6

Charles Town, was Col. Thomas Pollock, who came to "enjoy the advantages of the Climate," and "passed much of his time in Newport." Pollock practically became a resident of Newport, and contributed, through one of his children, to the greatest romance in the history of the town.9

The early Newport records have suffered from the rav- ages of time and war, and our information is slim indeed. But we may infer from what little we possess that the stream of visitors grew steadily following 1730. In par- ticular, the number of South Carolinians increased, and in this period it began to be fashionable as well as beneficial for southern planters to summer on Rhode Island. About this time also Philadelphia's growing merchant aristocracy discovered the charm of Newport.

No record of the concourse of visitors was kept until after the founding of the Newport Mercury in 1758. The enter- prising Samuel Hall and his successor, Solomon South- wick, took a forward step for American journalism when, in 1 767, in addition to the usual shipping news, they began to print lists of summer arrivals. It was doubtless a source of considerable satisfaction for the shopkeepers of Newport to read in the Mercury of June 1/8, 1767, that "Last Thursday, the Sloop Charlestown, Capt. Joseph Durfee, arrived here from Charlestown, South-Carolina, in 9 days, with whom came Passengers, the Reverend Winwood Serjant, intended for the Episcopal Church in Cambridge, near Boston, together with his Lady, and a number of other Gentlemen and Ladies. The whole Number of Passengers amounted to Eighteen." From 1 767 down to the outbreak of hostilities in 1 775 these notices became a regular feature of the Newport Mercury. It was Southwick's custom in this period to print the names of prominent visitors in cap- itals, whereas the familiar coming and going of the mercan- tile group was restricted to ordinary font. The activities of the world of fashion, thus early in our colonial society, became better headline material than the simpler doings of

4 K II ( i|)l' ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIKTY

mere men of affairs. Here, in embryo, is our modern so- ciety column, a feature unique in the colonial press.10

The lists of arrivals grew steadily in size, and in the eight years before the Revolution we know that over four hun- dred people visited Newport in the summer season.11 It is possible that the unchronicled arrivals totalled many more. By far the largest number came from South Carolina, al- though Philadelphia and Jamaica contributed their share. A striking feature of these lists is the fact that although Newport had a regular packet service to New York, as well as to the West Indies and the South, and probably trans- acted more business with that town than any other, not one New York name is to be found. Perhaps the Knicker- bockers had already found their way to Long Island and the Catskills.12

Good boat service was absolutely necessary to Newport's development as a resort. In 1767 there was no continuous road from the South to New England, and even had there been one, the distance and rigors of the trip would have discouraged all but the most hardy. The journey could more conveniently be made by sea. In this period Newport was enjoying the "golden era" of her commerce with the West Indies. Packet ships from Narragansett Bay were to be found in all of the southern ports and in the havens of the Caribbean.1" Captains sought passengers as well as cargoes, and probably many a planter was lured north by highly colored "sales talks" expatiating on the beauties of Rhode Island. The conclusion is inescapable that Newport could not have become a resort had it not been first a flour- ishing seaport.

Comfort and convenience, however, were merely rela- tive, whatever the means of travel in colonial days and the journey by sea to Rhode Island was hazardous, to say the least. The Atlantic coastline was almost uncharted and lighthouses were few. We marvel today that families would ever have made the attempt when we read in the Mercury of June 18, 1 770, of a vessel wrecked near New

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 5

London:14 "This Vessel was chartered by Col. Smith, of Charlestown, S. Carolina, in which himself, his Lady, 4 Children and 4 Servants, and several other Personages, were coming to this Place to Spend the Summer. But hap- pily there was no Person lost except the Mate, who was drowned. — Col. Smith and his Family arrived safe here yesterday." Perhaps some, of whom we have no record, were not so fortunate, but it seems safe to assume that those who were not so opulent as Col. Smith and chose the regular packet boats were probably favored with better passages under the care of expert pilots. At any rate, the packet service became the favorite means of transportation. It was, however, a long and tedious voyage to Newport, requiring from Jamaica twenty-five to thirty-three days,1" from Charles Town, seven to sixteen (ten being the aver- age),10 and from Philadelphia, four to six days.1' When the packet sloop or brig slid past Beaver Tail Light and tied up at Long Wharf, Newport, we may be assured that the weary travelers sighed with relief and hurried ashore to meet their waiting friends. Newport must have had its attractions to cause people to risk both comfort and safety to enjoy them.

Who were the people who summered in Newport? From what class of society in their native towns did they come? Fortunately, the Newport Mercury affords the answers. That they could bear the costs of traveling indicates that most of them were wealthy, and an investigation of their backgrounds proves that many of the people who came from the southern colonies and the West Indies were of the British official class. "On Monday last came to Town, from Boston, His Excellency Lord Charles Greville Montague, governor of South Carolina and his Lady, ... to pass a few weeks."18 We have already noted the arrival of Robert Melville, governor of Grenada.1''1 In September, 1772, "... Lieut. Gov. Young of Tobago being in Town," in- vited the Reverend Ezra Stiles to call on him. "I waited upon him and his Lady," wrote the Congregational Min-

6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

ister, "and spent three hours with him.""" In the same year Lord William Campbell, last royal governor of South Carolina, spent some time in Newport with "his Lady," the former Sarah Izard of Charles Town."1 Newport was par- ticularly attractive to the "Hon. Augustus Johnston, Esq; Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty for South-Caro- lina ;" he and his "Consort" passed the summers of 1769 and 1 770 there.2" Those minor officials in the colonial and naval service who could afford the luxury were also to be found summering at Newport."

The merchant princes of Charles Town and the wealthy planters of South Carolina constitute the largest group to visit Newport. Fear of the yellow and "country" fevers had for years driven the Carolina planters into Charles Town during the summer months, and after 1 765 the fame of Rhode Island lured them northward. A glance at the "society page" of the Mercury, June 26, 1769, informs us that: "Last Friday Capt. Joseph Durfee, in the Sloop Charles-Town, arriv'd here in 7 Days from Charles-Town, with whom came Passengers the Hon. Augustus Johnston, Esq; Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty for South- Carolina, &c. Henry Middleton, Esq; and Family." The brig Betsy, in July, landed another group: "Mr. John Izard, Esq; and Family, Alexander Wright, Esq; and Family, and Archibald McNeil, Esq; and Family," from Charles Town after a passage of twelve days."4 Two years later a flutter was caused in the social set by the arrival of "Lieut. Gov. Bull, Mr. William Bull, Mr. Outerbridge, Miss Katy Beale, Dr. John Farquharson, Mr. Gabriel Manigault, Miss Hazell, Mr. Philip Mines, Mr. John Morgery, Mr. Isaac Milehill , and others."""

By 1768 the blueboods of Philadelphia began that an- nual pilgrimage to the Narragansett Bay country which continues to this day. On August 15, the Mercury an- nounced the arrival of "Mr. John Wharton, and Sister, Mr. Samuel Nichols, Mr. Williams, and Sister, Mr. Benj. Razvles, of Philadelphia." In the seven year period cov-

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT /

ered by this paper, we note among other members of Philadelphia society the names of Mr. Clement Biddle, Mr. Josiah Hewes, Mr. Gilbert Rodman, Mr. Christopher Marshall, the Lillibridge family, Thomas Mifflin and fam- ily, the Philadelphia Redwoods, and Mr. Lewis Bon- nettee.20 From Jamaica, Georgia, and North Carolina came summer visitors whose names are less familiar today, but who certainly were socially important in the eighteenth century.

The season was long, for the Southerners especially, commencing as early as the first week in May, and lasting till October, occasionally into November. This we also learn from the Mercury, which began to take notice of departures in its issue of November 6, 1769: "This Day sail'd the Sloop Charles-Town, Capt. Joseph Durfee, for Charles-Town, South-Carolina, with whom went Passen- gers, Mrs. Wells and Daughter, Augustus Johnston, Esq; Mr. Sanderson, Mr. Edwards, and Mr. Nathaniel Russel." The Philadelphians, being mostly merchants, had of neces- sity to yield to the calls of business, and generally left early in September. On September 6, 1773,27 "sailed for Phil- adelphia, the Sloop Peace and Plenty, Capt. Joseph An- thony, with whom went Passengers, Thomas Mifflin, Esq; and Lady; Mr. Thomas Hopkins, and Lady, Mr. Charles Startin, and Lady, Mrs. Sheilds, Miss Nabby Collins, Mr. John Gardner, Capt. George Crump, Mr. William Mc- Donald, Mr. John Grant, Mr. Samuel G. Fowler, Mr. John P. Hicks, and several others."

A summer spent in Newport was an expensive affair that only the well-to-do could afford. The cost of transporta- tion, alone, for a family and retinue was great; "genteel" folk would feel it necessary to hire the whole cabin on the packet sloop. When they arrived at Newport, the wealthier families took houses for the period of their stay. In the spring and early summer the Mercury was filled with ad- vertisements like the following:28

or.

RHODE ISLAND 1! [STORICAL SOCIETY

To Be Let, A Genteel House and Furniture, with a Garden, &c, pleasantly located. . . .

By Caleb Godfrey.

TO LET | two Houses] very convenient and pleas- antly situated, with two good Stables, Gardens, and Wells of Water, &c . . . . Enquire of the Printer hereof.

Gabriel Manigault, of Charles Town, who was reputed the richest gentleman in the Colonies,1""' would probably have taken such a residence when he arrived for the season.

Some of the regular summer visitors owned estates near Newport, and may be regarded as the forerunners of the Van Rensselaers and Belmonts. Mr. William Rodman, of Philadelphia, owned "The Noted Farm on New-Shore- ham," which was advertised for sale by William Ellery in 1 772."" Occasionally one of the high provincial officials was invited to stay with a prominent family of Newport. In 1728 Lord Charles Greville Montague "went to the Country-Seat of Mr. William Redwood, . . . where, we hear, His Lordship proposes to pass a few weeks."31 Here, too, he probably found the Philadelphia Redwoods, who frequently spent the summer with their Newport cousins.

The less opulent had to be satisfied with simpler accom- modations in the town itself, such as "Three Genteel Rooms, pleasantly situated in Marlborough-Street, with the Priviledge of a Garret, Yard, and Cellar," or "a Gen- teel Parlour, furnished with Two Bed-Rooms, with a Priviledge in the Kitchen, and Accomodations for a Ser- vant, in the good, clear Air, and retired." There were no real estate agents in those days, and one procured lodgings by consulting the printer of the Newport Mercury?' Single men, of whom there were many, generally lodged at tav- erns like Mary Cowley's, in Church Street, which adver- tised "several decent rooms and beds unoccupied," for "gentlemen."'3

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT y

The arrival of the summer visitors was welcomed by the shopkeepers and taverners of the town as a good chance to "turn an honest penny." John and William Tweedy, druggists, and their competitors, Reak and Okey, adver- tised their cure-alls and nostrums with an almost modern assurance: "The Golden Medical Cephalic Snuff," to cure all disorders of the head; "British tooth-powder," at 2/6 per box; and "The True Italian Ointment," at 3/6. The ladies greatly feared injury to their complexions from ex- posure to the sun, and for this Reak and Okey prescribed "Queen's pearl wash ball," guaranteed to remove "freckles and sunburn. It renders the skin delicately white, smooth, and soft. . . . ""4 What modern cosmetic could promise more? In 1773, "Poree, Surgeon-Dentist" from New York, made a short trip to Newport in July, "at the inter- cession of some worthy gentlemen," no doubt hoping to find a market for his "artificial teeth" among the summer people,'" for he put up at Mrs. Cowley's "genteel" board- ing house. John Escoffier, "just arrived from Paris," in- forms the public that he has opened a "Hair-Dressing Business" and "makes Hair Cushions for Ladies.""'' John Goddard, cabinet-maker, who copies Chippendale's pat- terns from a manual recently imported, hastens to prepare new styles of furniture for his West Indian customers.3' Paris fashions being all the rage, the modish female will of course wish to visit the shop of "mary martin, Mil- lener and Mantua-Maker, Lately arrived from Paris. N. B. She dresses ladies heads, for half a dollar, at the Shop; and if waited on, at a dollar. . . ."'iS The South- erners and West Indians had a reputation as free spenders, and these Yankee tradesmen intended to operate on this assumption.""

An analysis of the lists published in the Mercury reveals certain social characteristics common to nearly all of the summer colony. West Indians and Southerners were pre- dominantly members of the Anglican communion. Of the Philadelphians the majority also worshipped at the Estab-

10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

lished Church, although there was a strong minority be- longing to the Society of Friends. These travelers, there- fore, would find in Newport, where Quakers and Episco- palians formed the most influential sects, a society especially congenial in the sphere of religion.4" Socially the members of the summer group came almost wholly from the rising merchant aristocracy of the colonial towns. Most of the Charlestonians were members of St. Philip's and St. Mi- chael's parishes — a sufficient key to distinction. In addition, many belonged to the Charles Town Library and the very fashionable St. Cecilia Society whose brilliant reception to Lord Greville Montague in 1773 so dazzled the sober Josiah Quincy of Boston.41 The South Carolinians who came to Newport brought with them an established social position, and lent to the island resort a decided English tone borrowed from their native town.

Of the group from Philadelphia, nearly all enjoyed membership in the exclusive "Dancing Assembly," in itself the badge of gentility.4" Seven of the gentlemen mentioned in Newport's "social register" were vassals of the Governor of the Colony in Schuylkill, the most select men's club of colonial days, and one of them, Thomas Mifflin, subscribed to the purses of the Jockey Club and rode to hounds over the course of the Gloucester Hunt.1" We have no means of knowing much about the Jamaicans and Antiguans, but the fact that they traveled in the favored company of royal governors and were accustomed to pass much of their time in London lends strength to their claim for social distinc- tion. Newport, even in the "gay nineties," would have found it hard to eclipse the galaxy of social lights it pre- sented in 1772-1773. With its intellectual attainment, culture, refinement, and wealth, Newport was becoming the Bath of America.

We have already noticed that the first attraction of Newport was its salubrious climate, which was a great in- ducement to visitors from the South. This never lost its appeal, but Newport, like Bath, included many other

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 11

charms in its repertoire. Boston, New York, and Phil- adelphia were sober and business-like seaports, places in which the "puritan" way of living was dominant. Not so with Newport. Because of its heterogeneous religious makeup, this town was from its beginning free from clerical control. "No opinion was prohibited consistent with moral- ity," wrote Arthur Brown, because ". . . the multiplicity of secretaries [sic] produced more genuine religion, morality and piety . . . than in any country I have ever seen."44 The puritan sabbath, as practiced in Boston, calling for half of Saturday to be used in preparation was ridiculed in the Newport press:

. . . 'tis plainly seen, how changed indeed,

That sacred law, which God himself decreed!

In this one Act, they think to merit Heav'n,

By taking half a day from six, and adding it to seven.

The people of Newport evidently agreed with Berkeley's dictum: "Give the devil his due, John Calvin was a great man," but they wanted none of his religious discipline.45 As compared with Boston, Newport was "wide open" on Saturday nights. To the gay, pleasure-loving planter it was indeed an attractive spot, while the Philadelphia Angli- can felt a sense of relief from Quaker sobriety and moral compulsion.

Judged by eighteenth century standards the island of Rhode Island offered something to everyone — culture, solitude, gaiety, entertainment, and health.

Though the sea air and even climate of Rhode Island were claimed to be most beneficial, there were some who failed to find the cure for which they sought. The Newport Mercury records thus a simple tragedy that must have been frequently re-enacted:4''' "July 18, . . . died Miss Elizabeth Hollybrush, of Charlestown, South-Carolina, from whence she lately arrived here, for the Recovery of her Health, aged 21 Years. . ." On July 11, 1774 "James Crooke, Esq; and family" arrived from Jamaica, "to recover his

12 RHODE ISLAM) BISTORICAL SOCIETY

health,1' but on August 10 the Mercury gives notice of his death and burial in Trinity Church yard.4' More pleasant is the item that in the summer of 1770, "Hon. James OttSy on a Tour for his Health, spent one or two Days in this Town."48 Thus, we see that many invalids sought re- covery along the shores of the Narragansett, but the im- pression gained from reading the newspaper is that the majority of the visitors were more interested in prevention than in cure.

These "idle rich" formed our first leisure class, and to the lower classes of Newport and the surrounding country may well have seemed as heretics rebelling against the traditional doctrine of "six days shalt thou labor and do all thy work." Lilies of the field had hardly as yet an accepted position in the pioneer society. That a class feeling was developing is mentioned in a condescending manner by Arthur Brown:4" ". . . the richer merchants . . . together with the clergy, lawyers, physicians and officers of the English navy who had occasionally settled there, were considered as gentry $ even being a member of the Church of England gave a kind of distinctive fashion. A superior order thus formed by better and more information existed even to a degree sufficient to excite jealousy in the agri- cultural system, and to be a gentleman was sufficient ... to expose the bearer of that name to mockery and rudeness, a specie of inconvenience which a liberal mind pardoned as compensated by the comfort and independence which pro- duced it." An undercurrent of resentment thus flowed in the relationship between summer guest and native laborer, notwithstanding the business advantage the situation brought to the latter.

During the period under review Newport was a bustling seaport of seven to nine thousand inhabitants."" For a community of its size it presented unusual cultural oppor- tunities both for its own citizens and for visitors. Its chief pride was the great collection of books housed in the beau- tiful Redwood Library. Although this was a subscription

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 13

library, non-members could borrow books by depositing a sum against the value of the book and paying a small fee for its hire. Books withdrawn could be kept for a month.51 For those who wished to improve their leisure by reading this library was unsurpassed in the Colonies. The Diary and Itineraries of Ezra Stiles, librarian of the Redwood, give ample evidence of the wide use of the collection by visitors as well as by townsfolk/'2 Solomon Southwick, printer of the Mercury, conducted a book store in connec- tion with his business. The striking feature of the book advertisements in his paper is the amount of secular litera- ture, especially novels, announced for sale, as compared with what was demanded by the more austere tastes of Bos- ton, New York and Philadelphia."'" Probably one of his best customers was the Vice-Admiralty Judge of Charles Town, who advertised on September 18, 1769: "Those Persons who may be possessed of any Books belonging to Augustus Johnston, are earnestly requested to return them as soon as may be." Use of the Redwood Library was evidently sup- plemented by private circulation.

Life on isolated plantations made it difficult for southern and insular planters to further their own and their chil- dren's educations, but a summer in Newport offered advan- tages in this line. Many gentlemen, no doubt, profited by the opportunity to improve their fencing under Monsieur Bontamps, Mr. William Pope, or Monsieur Delile of the University of Bordeaux.54 Others could join with their ladies in the study of French under one of the many teach- ers who advertised. Lewis Delile, recommended by Rev. Mr. Stiles, who was also his pupil, announced that by his method "a Scholar can learn to speak very good French ... in two Months."50 Numerous private schools for boys and girls are noticed in the Mercury and possibly owed their existence to the presence of the summer colony.50 For those of a more gregarious turn excellent conversation was to be had; few cultured people visited Newport without discussing the problems of the universe with the learned

14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Ezra Stiles. Trade and politics were the principal topics of debate at the Royal Exchange Coffee House, where among convivial surroundings could be had "the best of London Porter, Madeira, Teneriffe, White Li[s|bon, and Claret Wines, and every other liquor and Convenience suitable to accomodate Gentlemen with." All strangers and travelers could "depend upon the best Entertainment and Attend- ance."" Or, if you had a friend who belonged to the "Fryday Night Club" you might be introduced as a guest to one of Col. Godfrey Malbone's famous dinners.58 The freemason from Charles Town, the West Indies or Phil- adelphia was sure to be welcome at the meetings of the Newport lodge."'1.

As if to usher in the season of 1772 came the announce- ment that on May 5, "A Grand Concert of Vocal and In- strumental Mustek, By a Number of the First Per- formers from Boston, &c,"''" would be given at the Court House, commencing at 7 P. M. sharp. The number and frequency of the advertisements for these concerts appear- ing in the Mercury suggests that they were well patronized. In 1767, Henry Hymes announced an "Entertainment of Mustek, every Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thurs- day, and the Performances will be given gratis. . . . Any Gentlemen or Ladies wishing private Concerts may have it upon 4 hours notice," for which a charge will be made.61 Music had been popular in Newport ever since 1 733, when Bishop Berkeley presented an organ to Trinity Church."" The vestry was always careful to secure a competent organ- ist, and in 1773, "William Selby, Organist of Trinity Church, Newport, Just arrived from London," informed the public that he would "instruct young Gentlemen and Ladies to play upon the violin, flute, harpsichord, guitar and other instruments, now in use. . . ."'"' That the visitors from Charles Town appreciated the Newport talent is seen from an advertisement in the Newport Mercury, April, 1771, for musicians to play at a concert with the St. Cecilia Society. A first and second fiddle, two hautboys, and a

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 15

bassoon were wanted, and it was hinted that there was a possibility of a two to three years' engagement."4. If the numerous announcements of Elias Gilbert's singing class at Bradford's School House and the many singing books and "English Songs in score" advertised in Southwick's paper are any index, voice culture was very popular.05 Mayhap they still sang the song that some years earlier was on everyone's lips: "The Glorious Success of His Majesty's Arms in the Reduction of Havannah."h(>

Although the Hallam-Douglass Company of actors had played for two seasons in Newport, in 1761-1762, no reg- ular plays were performed as in New York, Philadelphia and Charles Town.0' But the visitors, especially from Charles Town, furnished both the demand and the neces- sary patronage, and from time to time occasional perform- ances were given. In 1771 the town granted a license to a group "to act plays," but we do not know that this privilege was ever utilized.1'8 In the absence of real productions the people accepted the best substitute, and we learn from the Mercury that in 1 769,°°

On Tuesday Evening,

The Fifth of September Instant,

At Mrs, Cowley's Assembly-Room

In Church-Lane,

Will be read

An Opera,

Call'd Love in a Village:

By a Person who has Read and Sung in Most of the Great Towns in America.

In all ways a developed seaside resort, colonial Newport, like its later rivals and imitators, furnished its crop of sum- mer romances, and then as now a wedding thrilled the visitors and townspeople. In 1773 "William Gibbins, of Savannah, Esq;" married Miss Vally Richardson of New-

16 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

port. The wedding was celebrated in November, too late for most of the summer colony, but they at least had the pleasure of seeing the romance develop.'" But the next year those who returned to Newport were rewarded with the privilege of witnessing the brilliant marriage of a daughter of the town to a distinguished visitor. On August 22, the Mercury reported that "Last Thursday was mar- ried, at Bedford, in Dartmouth, Mr. Clemment B'uldle, of Philadelphia, merchant, to the aimiable Miss Becca Cor- nell, daughter of Gideon Cornell, Esq; late of this town, deceased.'"1

The lighter forms of amusement were many and varied. Among the gentry the giving of large, formal dinners was, perhaps, the most widespread of all social activities. The favorite dishes on these occasions were Dun-fish,'1"' and West India turtles. After dinner the ladies retired and the gentlemen remained at the table for pipes, punch and Madeira. Before the men rejoined the ladies in the draw- ing-room for cards and dancing,"5 the latter regaled them- selves with the latest gossip. In September of 1774 society was pleasantly horrified by the notorious Wanton scandal. Such affairs were not at all unusual in the families of arti- sans and mechanics — but the Wantons of Newport! The distraught husband, soon angered by prevailing rumors, vented his spleen in the press:'4 "Whereas Content Wan- ton, the wife of John Wanton (son of James) hath absented herself from my bed and board, without any cause or of- fence given by me, but, as I suppose, by the advice of some persons who are enemies to my peace and happiness, and as their wicked counsel may extend farther, in persuading her to run me into debt, to accomplish their wicked intent of completing my ruin;" this is to give notice that he will assume no responsibility for debts incurred by his appar- ently well-named wife.

Dancing was a favorite form of amusement in Newport for many years prior to the Revolution. An Assembly had been formed in 1745 by thirteen bachelors, the majority

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 17

members of Trinity Church, who issued invitations to thirty-two qualified young ladies.'5 We can find no records of the Assembly after 1751, but there exists abundant evi- dence that the habit of dancing grew with time. Dancing schools increased in number, and French dancing masters began to advertise frequently in the newspaper."' When- ever dinners were given they were usually followed by dancing, as well as by cards, backgammon and billiards — always accompanied by Madeira for the ladies and rum punch for the men." Mary Cowley frequently advertised her Assembly-Rooms which opened in September, one to be used for dancing, "the other ... a separate genteel Apartment with Card-Tables, and a good Fire. Hours 6-10 o'clock.'"8 Dancing, for the most part, was a winter diversion in colonial days, although Arthur Brown remem- bered that "ki warm weather parties in the woods and din- ners, . . . with dances afterwards in the open air were favor- ite amusements." We infer that most people liked better the customary summer "evening promenades . . . when from about an hour after sunset, . . . the country resounded with songs and serenades."79 This is truly a delightful pic- ture of an idyllic existence.

It must never be forgotten that in colonial days the church was the central social agency. In the two decades preceding the American Revolution the increasing secular- ization of life in the towns was causing the church to lose much of its influence, but, nevertheless, it still played the leading role on the provincial stage. The social events of Newport revolved about Trinity Church. To be an Angli- can was to be assured of a superior place in the ranks of society.so Stiles complained bitterly of the domination of the Redwood Library by the Church of England ; "this set out as a Quaker affair, . . . [but] the Episcopalians slyly got into & obtained a Majority wch they are careful to keep."81 Of course the Congregational parson was prejudiced, but there is no question of the social value of membership in the Anglican Church. The royal governors and lesser officials

18 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

who set the tempo of provincial life were generally of that communion, and, furthermore, the Church was far more tolerant and lenient in its attitude toward the "frivolous" side of life than the non-conforming sects. It is thus no source of wonder that the parish register of Trinity Church, Newport, reads like the bead roll of early Rhode Island, and on a pleasant sabbath in the summer the passerby would see large numbers of the visiting gentry escorting their "consorts" there to divine service.

Turtle parties enjoyed a great popularity as a summer entertainment. Jahleel Brenton's negro slave, Cuffee Cockroach, was always in great demand as a turtle cook. These affairs were generally held on Goat Island near Ft. George. Dinner was served at two in the afternoon, and was followed by tea at five, after which there would be dancing while the musicians played "Pea Straw," "Faithful Shepherd," and "Arcadian Nuptials." The parties broke up about eleven o'clock with a final hot toddy, and the gay revelers were ferried back to town.82

There were sporting possibilities in the neighborhood. The summer visitor was frequently amused by horse races on the beach between the famous Narragansett pacers, or by exhibitions of horsemanship by "Mr. Bates, the famous horseman," and Christopher Gardner, the local boy, whom the townspeople and press hailed as "the original American rider."*'' It was fashionable to take an afternoon's drive in a chaise about the Island, and stop for a bite to eat at Abigail Stoneman's tea house in Middletown, where "large enter- tainments . . . will be prepared on the shortest notice."*4 On sunny days parties were made up to hire Samuel Hay- wood's "new pleasure-boat, Liberty," and explore the coves and inlets of Narragansett Bay, or to make a run to Providence or Bedford on the packet boats. s" On returning great strength of mind was required to pass the Oyster House on Long Wharf without sampling a dozen salts or so.

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 19

This, then, was the attractive prospect which the summer visitor faced. There was nothing like it in America, a sea- side town, busily attending its own profitable pursuits, yet extending its hospitality to a society who came there because of its charm, and who generously added their own graces and accomplishments. The life was simpler than today, the display of wealth less great perhaps, the social stratification less intense. Newport" was more of a flourishing seaport then than now, and its life revolved less exclusively around the arrival and departure of its summer guests. Yet poten- tially Newport was in the eighteenth century as in the nineteenth, the health-restoring, pleasure-giving resort of those whose loftier birth, accumulated wealth and social accomplishments afforded them opportunity to enjoy in leisure a few months each year of the best the New World could offer. This happy, gentle society, almost unique in the pioneer sternness of life on a new continent, was abruptly, though not permanently, brought to a close by the Outbreak of hostilities in 1 775. It is with a pang of re- gret that we read the last "society notice" in the Mercury :86 "June 12, arrived here the Sloop Friendship, Capt. Munro, in 14 days from Charles-Town, with whom came Passen- gers, Mr. Isaac McPherson, Mr. Jonathan Clarke y Mrs. Clarke^ and Mr. Nathan Child} all of South-Carolina. This vessel was taken under the protection of the men of war."

Massachusetts Institute of Technology October 14, 1932

Notes

1Rhode Island Historical Magazine, (July, 1885), VI, 45-46.

2George Berkeley, Works, (A. Campbell, ed., 4 vol., Oxford, 1871), IV, 160. Letter of April 24, 1729.

HVilliam B. Weeden, Early Rhode Island, (New York, 1910), 266.

4Weeden, Rhode Island, 265.

r'R. I. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 165//.

eMrs. John King Van Rensselaer, Newport: Our Social Capital, (Phila- delphia, 1905), 19-20.

20 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"G. C. Mason, Reminiscences of Newport, (Newport, 1884), 9.

sFor some account of the fevers, see Edward McCrady, The History of South Carolina under the Royal Government, (New York, 1901), passim .

''Mason, Reminiscences, 160-165. Col. Pollock was sued by John Scollav in the Rhode Island courts and ordered to pay a judgment ol over £500. Walter Chaloner, sheriff of Newport, went bond for Pollock. The latter disappeared and never returned, and Chaloner was thrown into prison to satisfy the bond. Thomas Pollock, Jr. was thus left to bear the shame of his father's crime. The Ferguson family would not permit the lad to court their daughter Ethel, and in despair he signed for a merchantman in 1799. Returning in 1813 with a privateersman, Pol- lock learned to his sorrow that the Fergusons had moved to New York. He sought out Ethel on Long Island and married her. They removed to Carolina where a remnant of the paternal estate afforded them a refuge.

'"Any social item of local importance was reported in the provincial press, but notices of this special type are not to be found in the other colonial newspapers.

''See chart accompanying this paper.

l2Newport Mercury, August 10, 1761. Benjamin Blagg of New York and William Richards of Newport advertised two sloops to make regular trips between the towns.

1:1 Bruce M. Bigelow, The Commerce between Rhode Island and the West Indies in the Eighteenth Century, (Ms., John Hay Library), is the authority on this important subject. Quoted by permission.

^Newport Mercury, June 18, 1770. A page of this issue is missing, consequently we do not know the name of the vessel or exactly where it was wrecked.

^Newport Mercury, August 19, 1771 ; June 24, 1771.

^Newport Mercury, June 26, 1769; June 18/25, 1768; May 28, 1770. All trips were made by the sloop Charlestown, Capt. Durfee.

^Newport Mercury, July 5, 1773; August 31, 1772. The trip from Georgia averaged about thirteen days. See Newport Mercury, Julv 12, 1773.

18 Newport Mercury, August 1/8, 1768.

'"A\ /. Hist. Mag., (July, 1885), VI, 45-46.

-"Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, (F. B. Dexter, ed., 2 vols., New York, 1901), I, 281.

21Newport Mercury, June 1 5, 1772.

22Nezoport Mercury, June 26, 1769; May 28, 1770.

23Newport Mercury, August 7, 1769, et passim.

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 21

2i Newport Mercury, July 13, 1772.

^Newport Mercury, June 6, 1774.

26Newport Mercury, July 4/1 1, 1768; September 2, 1771 ; and June 28, 1773.

2~Newport Mercury, September 6, 1773. The issue of October 9, 1 769 notes the arrival of a party at Charles Town, which was probably clipped from the South-Carolina Gazette. This may indicate that social news was printed in that paper.

2&Newport Mercury, August 20, 1770; March 5, 1770.

2!)McCrady, South Carolina, 402.

'M Newport Mercury, May 1 1, 1772. Col. Pollock had a place in New- port.

31 Newport Mercury, August 1/8, 1768.

32 Newport Mercury, August 5, 1765; September 18, 1769.

33Newport Mercury, July 2 5, 1774.

34Mason, Reminiscences, 9Sn; Newport Mercury, June 6, 1774.

35 Newport -Mercury, July 26, 1773.

3C'Newport Mercury, October 2, 1775.

37Mason, Re??iiniscences, 49-50.

^Newport Mercury, May 16, 1774.

39See Richard Cumberland's sentimental comedy, The West Indian, (London, 1771), for the conception of the free and easy planter that prevailed at the time.

40G. C. Mason, Annals of Trinity Church, (Newport, 1890).

41See McCrady, South Carolina, passim., and index; also the South Carolina Historical Society's Collections, (1857 — ).

42Thomas Willing Balch, The Philadelphia Assemblies, (Philadelphia, 1916), has lists of members, many of whom appear in the Mercury's lists.

43Register of the Jockey Club, (Ms. in Hist. Soc. of Pa.); also the History of the Schuylkill Fishing Company, 33; and History of the Gloucester Hunting Club, 67, in the same library.

44^. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 169.

^Newport Mercury, May 19, 1761; Berkeley, Works, IV, 160.

^Newport Mercury, June 13/20, 1768.

47 Newport Mercury, June 1 1, July 18, 1774.

48 Newport Mercury, August 13, 1770.

4»R. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 167-168.

50In 1 774 the population was 9,209. A Century of Population Growth, (Washington, 1909), 11.

22 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

r,,G. C. Mason, Annals of the Redwood Library, (Newport, 1881),

40.

"Ezra Stiles, Itineraries and other Miscellanies, . . . with a Selection from his Correspondence, (F. B. Dexter, ed., New Haven, 1916), and Diary, op. cit.

5ySee, for example, the list in the Mercury, June 6, 1774. ^Newport Mercury, June 30, 1768; June 12, 1769; Stiles, Diary, I, 184 (November 13, 1771).

^Newport Mercury, November 2 5, 1771.

^Newport Mercury, July 10, 1769; July 4, 1768.

"Newport Mercury, October 14, 1765.

nsStiles, Diary, I, 31.

^Newport Mercury, January 2, 1759.

^Newport Mercury, May 4, 1772.

tnNezi-port Mercury, August 17/24, 1767.

i;-'Mason, Trinity Church, 5 8.

^Newport Mercury, December 27, 1773.

6 'Mason, Reminiscences, 9-10.

66 'New-port Mercury, June 4, 1770; October 31, 1763.

^Newport Mercury, September 14, 1762.

"Newport Mercury, November 3, 1761.

r"sMason, Reininiscences, 123.

^Newport Mercury, September 4, 1769; September 1 1, 1769.

""Nezcport Mercury, November 15, 1773.

nNewport Mercury, August 22, 1774.

7-Mason, Reminiscences, 101-102. Dun-fish were a species of cod.

~'R. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), 172.

^Newport Mercury, September 19, 1774.

Tr'Howard M. Chapin in Providence Sunday Journal, October 22, 1929.

7aNewport Mercury, April 1 1, 1774.

"R. I. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 172-173.

™NewpOfit Mercury, September 26, 1768; November 2, 1772.

79R. /. Hist. Mag., (January, 1886), VI, 172-173.

B0Mason, Trinity Church, passim.

81Stiles, Diary, I, 166 (1771).

s-Mason describes a typical party in Reminiscences, 10 1-102.

s3Newport Mercury, May 6, 1 765 ; October 25,1773; May 23, 1 774.

COLONIAL NEWPORT AS A SUMMER RESORT 23

** New fort Mercury, June 29, 1772.

85Newfort Mercury, August 14, 1769; February 22, 1773; March 1, 1773.

iG Newport Mercury, June 12, 1775.

SUMMER VISITORS AT NEWPORT, 1 767-1 7751

Town or Place	1767	17,68	1769	1770	1771	1772	1773	1774	1775	Total
Charles Town	29	12-	292	44	33	48	14	43-	4	266
Philadelphia	1	15			142	202	292	13		92
Maryland		1								1
North Carolina					2	7				9
Georgia					1		20	4		25
Boston				1						1
West Indies						4				4
Jamaica		1			5	20	10	18		54
Total	30	29	29	45	553	99	73	78	4	452

1Compiled from files of the Newport Mercury, 1767-1775. Where a family was mentioned its size was assumed to be six in number. -Others came but names not known by printer. 3Several files of the Mercury are missing for May and June, 1771.

24 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

Original Land Grants of Portsmouth, R. I., compiled by Edward H. West, is a manuscript atlas of ten sheets showing the earliest recorded land holdings in Portsmouth.

1 1 ashingtonys Headquarters , by Mabel Lorenz Ives,

contains an eleven-page account of the Stephen Hopkins House in Providence.

The New England Historical and Genealogical Register for October, 1932, contains an article on the English ances- try of the Fiske family by G. Andrews Moriarty, F.S.A.

Frances, the Falconers Daughter, the Mother of Gov- ernors, 1607-1 677 , by Elizabeth Nicholson White, is an illustrated volume of 176 pages dealing with Frances (Latham) Dungan.

Gilbert Stuart, by William T. Whitley, is a volume of 240 pages.

Berkeley's A m eric an Sojourn, by Benjamin Rand, a book of 79 pages, was published by the Harvard University Press.

A History of the Young Ladies' School, 1860-1898, and Miss Abbott's School Alumnae Association, 1912-1930, written and compiled by Mary B. Anthony and Grace P. Chapin, Providence, 1932, is an illustrated book of 57 pages.

Notes

Mr. Frederick W. York has been elected to membership in the Society.

Peace Dale Seals

Communicated by Miss Caroline Hazard

25

The seal bearing the picture of a dove with wings ex- panded and with an olive branch in its mouth, surrounded by the words PEACE DALE, R. I., belonged to Rowland G. Hazard,7 (1801-1888) and possibly to his father, Rowland Hazard,0 who bought a house on the Sauga- tucket in July 1805, and lived there with his family for some years. Mary Peace, daughter of Isaac Peace of Bris- tol, Pa., was his wife. Hence the name Peace Dale and the dove.

26

KHODF. ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase

Transcribed by Theodore G. Foster

(Continued from Vol. XXV, page 128.)

A List of the Persons' Sl who have whole Rights in West- quanaug as was computed, ordered, and allowed at a Meet- ing of the Proprietors of Westquanauge convened at the House of Joseph Smith in Kingston the 20th of February 1706/7 /viz/

Col. Samuel Cranston Major John Greene	20 18	39 47					23 7
Zachariah Rhodes	22	53					8
Jeremiah Clarke . .	24	36	Jeremiah	Clark		10
Clement Weaver, Senior	5	41					28
Clement Weaver Jun1"-	4	31	Mr-	Field	s Half Share on
			the	South Side	of Fourth
			Lot				27
Latham Clarke	27	30					13
Nicholas Carr	14	56					18
Weston Clarke	2	52					15
Robert Gardner	26	42					19
John Fones	13						20
William Vaughn	7	33					24
Robert Westcot	29	55					3
William Fobes ]	28	44					4
William Pebody \	1	57					12
John Rogers	17	46					26

sWest-Quanaug or The West-Quanaug Purchase.

A number of individuals of Newport were afterwards associated with the first purchasers, among whom were Gov. John Cranston, Caleb Carr, Thomas Clark, William Foster, Clement Weaver, Aaron Davis, John Jones and Latham Clark, most or all of whom have now descendants in the town. In 1707, this purchase was divided by lot among 29 proprie- tors, but the first settlement was not commenced until 1717. The first settler was Fzckiel Hopkins, whose descendants are now very numerous in the town; there are also here a number of the descendants of the two Governors, John Cranston and Samuel Cranston. (A Gazetteer of the States of Connecticut and Rhode Island by John C. Pease and John M. Niles, 1819, p. 342.)

The spelling Westenadgue appears in Prov. Town Papers (0623), printed in Prov. Rec. XVII, 199.

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 27

John Rhodes 23

Malichy Rhodes . 6

Simon Smith 8

Andrew Harris 1 9

Stephen Arnold 21

Peleg Rhodes 1 1

Benjamin Carpenter 9

Nathaniel Waterman * 25

Hugh Mosher 16

Joseph Case ]2

Aaron Davis 3 Lawrence Springer Half Share 1 0

Major William Wanton 1 5

3 5 Drawn by Ellery & Davis	2
51	16
54	21
40	6
48	14
34	1
45	11
50	22
37	9
32	5
43	25
1 0 Half of a whole Share - -	17

To the Gentlemen the Proprietors of Providence con- vened at the House of Mn William Turpin"" in Providence in the Colony of Rhode Island & Providence Plantation the 22d of February 1 706/7

Gentlemen WE whose Names are hereunto subscribed being a Committee of the Proprietors of Westquanaug being informed that Some of you have begun to lay out Land in the Southern Side of the Northern Branch of Paw- tuxet River that cometh out of Ponhanganset Pond and lying on the Northern Side of Warwick Northern Bounds which Land is the Propriety of us the Subscribers and the Rest of our Partners.

WE do therefore in our own Behalf and also on Behalf of the Rest of our Partners forewarn and forbid you or any of you to make any Improvement of said Land as having no Right thereunto . . As Witness our Hands this 21st of February 1706/7

Samuel Cranston Weston Clark Robert Gardner John Rhodes Simon Smith

'A copy of this letter appears among the Providence Town Papers (0644) and is printed in Prov. Rec. XVII, 223.

28 RHODE ISLAM) EISTORICAL SOCIETY

March 31st 1 707. The Trustees met and adjourned to the 2(1 of April 1707

April 2'1 1702. The Proprietors met at the House of Mr William Bright in Newport and according to the Fore- going Agreement These underwritten paid in their Money to John Rhodes the Treasurer chosen /viz/ Major Samuel Cranston 20 Major John Green 20/ Jeremiah Clark 20/ Aron Davis 20/ Robert Gardner 20/ Nicholas Carr 20/ Clement Weaver Sen' 20 Latham Clark 20/ Joseph Wil- bur paid for one Half Share for Lawrence Springer 10/ Clement Weaver Jun 20/ Weston Clark 20/ Simon Smith 20/ William Lobes 20/ William Pebody 20/ John Rogers 20 John Rhodes 20/ Malichy Rhodes 20/ Joseph Case 20. Major William Wanton 20/

Ordered That Mr John Rhodes Treasurer of the Pro- prietors shall forthwith agree with Mr John Mumford Surveyor to go forthwith and make a Map and Piatt' ll" of said Land of Westquanaug — and said Rhodes Treasurer shall appoint such and so many to assest said Surveyor and shall pay both Surveyor and his Assestants out of the Money he hath in his Hands paid by the Company And if said Treasurer cannot get Mr. Mumford the week the other Trustees on this Main may appoint as they shall think fit for the forwarding the said Concern and We do appoint that the Trustees as this Main shall upon emmer- gent occasion act and do all things needful relating or con- cerning the Premises

Ordered That Zachariah Rhodes shall have a Share and a Half carried on at free Cost . . . This was ordered

by the Trustees on the Main of the 14th of of April 1 707.

10That difficulties were encountered in the attempt to make this survey is shown by Providence Town Paper 0647 (printed in Prov. Rec. XVII, 227); a warrant dated May 1, 1707 and issued by Governor Cranston, wherein it is related that officials of the Town of Providence arrested and imprisoned the Westconnaug surveyors. P. T. P. (0651), printed XVII, 233, is a summons in this case dated June 10, 1707 and referring the case to the September 1 707 court.

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 29

Memorandum That I Zachariah Rhodes for Consid- eration of a Right and Half of the Lands of Westquanaug to be carried on without any charge to me DO Declare that I shall in no way impede or hinder the Proprietors of West- quanaug but will forward and help them as much as I may by any Deeds or Writings that are in my Custody Neither shall I help any that shall oppose them either directly or indirectly . . Witness my Hand the 14th of April 1707. Signed in the Presence of Simon Smith Clerk

Zachy Rhodes At a Meeting of the Proprietors of Westquanauge at the House of Mn William Bright the 1 0th of June 1 708

It is orderd that the former Committee chosen by the Proprietors for managing said Purchase is still continued: three of the major Part of them to meet and treat with the committee chosen by the Town of Providence111' for the Settlement between those of Providence and the Proprie- tors aforesaid and what the Major Part shall act or do or. the Premises shall be taken and deemd authoritative to all interests and Purposes — The Names of the Committee are Col Samuel Cranston Mr Richard Greene Mr Robert Gardner Mr Simon Smith Mr John Rhodes Weston Clark and Malichy Rhodes who have hereby full Power to move from Time to Time and Place to Place while the Mater be compleatd if possible to satisfaction — and We do appoint the First Meeting on the 1 8th Day of July next at Warwick at the Hous of Mr James Carder and that the charge of the Treaty be borne and paid by the Treasurer of the Proprie- tors— John Fones is chosen Clerk for this Meeting

A True Copy

John Fones Clerk This is treaty entered per Mr Simon Smith Clerk of the Proprietors

"The record of the appointment of the committee of the Proprietors of Providence on May 18, 1708 is Prov. Town Paper 0664, printed in Prov. Rec. XVII, 239-240.

30 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

At a Meeting of the Committee of the Proprietors of Westquanauge this Fifth Day of September 1711 at Newport

Present The Honourable Gov Samuel Cranston Mr Weston Clarke Mr Robert Gardner Mr John Rhodes Mr Malichy Rhodes & Simon Smith Ordered that whereas Mr Richard Greene who was one of the Committee is Dead Mr Job Green is chosen in his Room or Stead And Whereas Mr Robert Gardner one of the Committee hath sold his Right to Major James Brown It is voted by the Committee that the said Gardner shall be indemnified in the said Sale to the said Brown notwithstanding the In- junction in the Third Article of our Agreement February 20th 1706

This Meeting is adjournd to Tuesday come Sen night the 1 8th Instant at Warwick and if that be foul weather then to meet the next convenient Day

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of Providence and the Committee of the Proprietors of Westquanauge at War- wick this 1 8th of September 1811""

Agreed That a Petition or Exhitation be drawn to set forth the Claim of Providence as to the Title within the Jurisdiction of Connecticut Colony and also the Title of the Proprietors of Westquanaug which lyeth in said Colony which Petition is to be presented to the Court of assestants held at New London the 13th of October next — And the Men to draw said Petition &c are Cap1 Thomas Fenner and Simon Smith and Cap' Thomas Fenner and M' Malichy

l2Error for 1711.

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 31

Rhodes are to carry said Petition &c and the charge to be

borne equally by both Parties And the Persons who

draw up said Petition shall have full Power to Sign the same on Behalf of the Proprietors of Providence and the Proprietors of Westquanaug' 13>

_ And it is farther agreed that if their shall be any Occa- sion to go to Law for the Lands of Providence or the Lands of Westquanaug which' lay within the Jurisdiction of Con- necticut Then the Proprietors of Providence and the Pro- prietors of Westquanaug shall be at equal Charge for carry- ing on the same and what Title we pitch upon to sue we to agree to at next October Court

To the Honourable the Governor Deputy Gover1' Assistants and Worshipful! Representatives sitting in Court at New Haven in the County of New Haven within and for her majestys Colony of Conicticut the 1 1 th of October' 1711 The Exhibition and humble Petetion of the Comittee of the Proprietors of Providence and the Comittee of the Proprietors of Westquedniuke Namely Colw Samuel Cranston Esq1'- Majr: Joseph fenckes Esq1^ Capt: Thomas Fenner Esqr= Maj r= James Brown Esqr Capt: Samuel Wilkinson Mr- Weston Clark Esqr: Ltw: Thomas Harris Mr: John Roades Mr: Resolved Waterman Mr: Job Green Esqr M'= Joseph Brown Mr: Malachi Roades -1': Joshua Winsor and Capt: Simon Smith Esqr:— All of her Majestys Colony of Road-Island and Providence Plantations Humbly Sheweth and Exhibiteth to your Honours

That the Proprietors of the Anciant Town of Providence having upward of sixty yeares since Purchased of the Indian Natives the Lands where they now Live Namely all the Lands Betwixt Patucket and Pautuxit Rivers And so to Extend from a Hill Called Fox-Hill Twenty Miles Westward &c: The which sd Purchase was made and Granted by one of the most Greatest sachems of the Narraganset Countrev and Confirmed by all the Chief Princes of the Natives and hath had a good Sanchon from England So that it Cannot be thought that So firme a Title should be Eclipsed or Deminished under any Presents Whatso- ever &c:

_ Item the Proprietors of Westquodniuk bv anciant Deeds and Con- firmations Upward of fifty Yeares since Purchased of the Indian sachems a Certain Tract of Land or Part of the Countrev known and Called bv the Name of Westquodniuk Bounded Partly on the Eastern and North

32 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Eastern Parts by the aforcsd Lands of Providence South and South westerly by the Lands of Agans west and north westerly by Quinippoge Lands and northerly by the Neppeneck Lands which Lands was Con- firmed bv Mosup alias Quissuckquans the Grand Chief sachem of the Narraganset Countrev Purchased by the Assent, and so well approved of by the Colony of Road-Island that they Enacted that it should be a Township they thinking then that it was all within their Own Jurisdiction

NOW the matter is that since, Commissioners having bin Chosen by Each Colony to state the Boundarys betwixt them as to Jurisdiction of Goverment And they having Done the same It now appeares that there is neare two miles of the Western part of Providence Purchase the whole Bredth thereof Lying within the Jurisdiction of your Colony of Connicticut

AND also a Great Part of the Purchase of Westquodniuk Lyeth within your Jurisdiction Contrary to what we Imagined before the Lines were Run So that we think it Our Duty now to Lay this Exhibition before vour Honours to show what Title we have within your Jurisdiction And the Rather because we are therunto Incitted by a Clause in yor Printed Statutes Pag the 64:

NOW our Huble Petetion to vor Honours is that you would Give us your Leave that we may have free Accession to make Improvement and settle those Lands so Anciantly Purchased by us Now Lying within your Jurisdiction And we as to that Part shall be Obediant and submissive subjects under vour Good Goverment

AND this we are the more Encouraged to Request Considering it was a special Article in the agreement that Propriety should be maintained and that all Anciant Grants Allowed by Each Colony should stand good Notwithstanding the agreement Concerning Jurisdiction betwixt sd Colonys Upon which the Colony of Road Island have bin Very Carfull to maintain Proprictv and namely upon several in the Western Parts of Westerly who after the Jurisdiction line was Run betwixt the Colonys they fell within the Jurisdiction of the Colony of Road Island although their Title was the same wth: Conicticut yet the Colony of Road Island Maintained their Title the Jurisdiction notwithstanding

Wherefore we Pray that your Honr: will Do the Like and grant our Petetion and Give to Our Messengers, viz, Majr: Joseph Jenckes and Mr: Malacky Roades the Bearers hereof a fovourable admission into vour Hond: Assembly who will be furnished with such Deeds & manuscripts as will Evince and make Probation of this which is Laide before you (if your Honr: Require the same) And we Pray that vour Honours would give them Some Answer that they may Return the same to LTs And in the meane time We Remain yor: Humble Servt: to Command

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 33

At a Meeting of the committee of the Proprietors of Westquanaug at Warwick Novemr the 1 7th 1711

Orderd that the Treasurer Mr John Rhodes pay unto Mr Malichy Rhodes for his Services and Journey to the Assembly at Connecticut at New Haven the Sum of Five Pounds Two Shillinds

Orderd that Capt Simon Smith in Behalf of the Com- mittee write another Letter to the Assembly of Connecti- cut for the obtaining their possitive Answer stating our Claim within their Jurisdiction as is agreed upon by this Committee

Orderd that when the season of the Year will permit that Malichy Rhodes be appointed Surveyor with the Assestance of M1' John Rhodes to Survey and lay out the Lands of Westquanauge within the Colony Line according to agreement with the Town of Providence and to propor- tions the same as near as may be to the Right of each Pro- prietor and that said Rhodes take such Assestance as the Work will require so far as relates to their Part . . .

Ordered that this Committee be adjourned to New- port the last Wednesday in February next or any of the Three Days following'141

At a Meeting of the Committee of the Proprietors of Westquanaug at Newport June 1 1th 1712.

Providence October the 6th 1711 By Order of Both Comittes Signed by Us

Thomas Fenner Simo: Smith (Connecticut Archives, Colonial Boundaries, I, 200 a & b.) Courtesy of the Connecticut State Library.

This petition was considered at the meeting of the General Assembly of Connecticut held in October, 1711, but no action was taken at that time. (Conn. Col. Rec. V, p. 277.)

"On March 22, 1711-12, Nathaniel Waterman of Providence be- queathed to "my loveing Grandsons the two Zuriell Watermans all my lands in the Place called Wesquenoid". His will, was presented for pro- bate on April 22, 1712. (Prov. Rec. VII, 99.)

34 K1K IDE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Whereas there was a Meeting of the Proprietors of said Westquanaug appointed at the House of Robert Nich- ols of Newport the 10th Instant in order to supply the Treasurer with a further Stock of Money to carry on the Affairs of said Purchase and to defray the Charge of the Surveyor &c in the laying out said Purchase into Farms or Lots and the said Meeting failing for want or through the Neglect of the Proprietors making their Appearances at said Meeting: The Committee considering the Premises and the Trust and Difficulty of getting the Proprietors to meet together and rinding that they have full Power and Authority given them for the full and entire Menagement and finishing all Matters and Things relating said Pur- chase We have viewed the Treasurers Accounts and

find that the Money already deposited is all paid out towards the incident charges that have already accrued ....

We do therefore order that for the Defraying and carrying on the further charge that Each Proprietor having a Whole Share in said Purchase shall pay or cause to be paid unto Mr John Rhodes of Pawtuxet Treasurer or to his order the Sum of one Pound and so each Proprietor having more or less than a whole share to pay according to that Proportion: and that the said Sum or Sums shall be paid to Said Treasurer on or before the First Tuesday of Septem- ber next

Malachy Rhodes Clerk

At a Meeting of the Major Part of the committee of Westquanaug at Newport September the 1 3th 1714

Whereas Mr Malachy Rhodes of Pawtuxet Deceased was appointed and constituted Clerk and Surveyor to the Proprietors of the said Purchase and having the Register Book in his custody We have now chosen Job Green of Warwick clerk and Register to said Proprietors in the Room and Stead of Malachy Rhodes Deceased and that he shall go forthwith and demand and receive the Register Book at the Executrix of said Rhodes and any Writings of

WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 35

said Proprietors and give a Receipt for the same and to [ r account] and do all things needful on the Premises

And farther that he the said Job Greene do with the Advice and concurrence of the committee on the Main Land constitute and appoint an abel and well qualified Person as Surveyor or Surveyors in the Stead & Place of said Rhodes deceased so as the said Purchase may be fully Surveyed and Plotted and all other Things done and accomplished with the Town of Providence according to Agreement with them and to make Return of his or their Proceedings to the Com- mittee at Providence the 28th Day of October next at which Time We do appoint a Meeting then to to do all things needful therein Job Greene Clerk

At a Meeting of part of the Committee with some of the Proprietors at Providence the 28th of October 1714

Whereas Job Greene presented a Map of his Proced- ings together with Major William Hopkins with the assestance of Major Thomas Fenner in that affair in the North Side at the Dividing Line according to the agree- ment with the Proprietors of Providence but there appear- ing but a small part of the Proprietors the Meeting was adjournd to Warwick on the Sixteenth Day of November following for a more full Number of the Company But wind and weather hindering there were but a small Appear- ance But those that met agreed as followeth That

Job Greene should proced to finish the Laying out the First Division with the Advice of Major Thomas Fenner and Mr John Rhodes and to finish the Division by the last of May next ensuing in order to come to a Lotment of the

same And further the finding that there hath been a

failure on most part of the Proprietors in paying of Twenty Shillings apiece to John Rhodes Treasurer according to the order of the Committee at Newport June 1 1 th 1712 for a further Supply to defray the incident Charges of said Pur- chase Therefore it is agreed on that each Proprietor that is behind in paying do forthwith pay said Sum to the Treas-

36 RHODK ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

urer in order to defray the Charge of Surveying and it is further proposed that Major Penner be added to the Com- mittee in the Room and Stead of Malichy deceased Signed per Order Job Greene Clerk"

At a Meeting of the Committee at Newport May the 9th 1715

It is agreed on That Major Thomas Fenner is accepted to he one of the Committee according to the Proposals at Warwick and that Capt. Benjamin Ellery is hereby chosen and added to the Committee in the Room and Stead of Mr Weston Clark he having sold his part of the Propriety of Westquanaug to Mr Joseph Whipple of Providence by consent of the Committee and it is further agreed on that Job Greene do proced to lay out the Remanding Part of said First Division as soon as may be and to take what Assestance he thinks proper in order to come to Alotment but said Greene's own Business hindering him from pro- ceeding forthwith it is consented to by the Major Part of the Committee that M1 John Rhodes shall agree with Josiah Westcoat Surveyor to lay out the remainding Part of said First Division with the Expedition in order to Alot- ment and said Rhodes is to provide Assestants to the Sur- veyor and the whole Charge of the Surveying to be paid out of the Proprietors Treasury

Job Greene Clerk

15Georgc Lawton of Portsmouth and wife Rebecca. On January 3, 171S, sold to Job Lawton of Newport one half share of land at Wesh- quanoak which was formerly bought by his father George Lawton from John Crandall on December 12, 1<>X2(R. 1. Land Ev. Ill, 224).

( To be continued )

\r i,

Roger Williams I'm sn HJ^*

t

E. A. Joi i\mi\ Co.

PROA 11)1 \< I

Rhode Island

Historical Society Collections

Vol. XXVI

APRIL, 1933

No. 2

PACKET SHIP "RISING STATES" ADVERTISES FOR BUSINESS

"JOR CHARLESTON, (S. C.)

*.*_ THE Packet Ship RISING ^ STATES, Elisha Swift, Master, will sail on toe 14th instant. For Freight or Pas *»ge. aPpty lo ^e ^asler 0f« board, at Graves's Wharf, or to

EVERETT & STILLWELL. March 10, 1812.

VVhi H

men whi( be p

.im)

of L

alio

putr

Ft

ADVERTISEMENT IN RHODE ISLAND AMERICAN OF MARCH 13, 1812

See fage 3 7

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PACK

The Rising States, a Providence Packet Ship of 1812,

by George L. Miner

Cover Center Supplement 37

History of Jamestown, by W. L. Watson

40

Genealogical Notes,

by Edward H. West

59

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

61

Notes

63

Survey of Old Rhode Island Houses

63

Spelling of Glocester, R. I., by Howard M. Chapin

64

Treasurer's Report,

by Gilbert A. Harrington

65

RHODE HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI

APRIL, 1933

No. 2

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions of contributors.

A Providence Packet Ship of 1812

By George L. Miner

The center illustration in this issue of the Collections shows a most interesting portrait of the 1 69 ton ship Rising States of Providence in the year 1812. The drawing, dated November 9, 1812, was made by Charles Simmons, and is done on a sheet of linen rag paper with india ink of brownish-black tint. The sails, flags, water and sky are washed in with water colors. The sails are a deep tan and the water and sky a pale blue. Bright colors — red, yellow and blue — pick out the flags and the eagle on the stern. Altogether, this old ship portrait, somewhat crude in work- manship and detail, has a great deal of delicacy and charm.

This picture is owned by Mr. C. Prescott Knight of Providence, and is one of a number of family heirlooms that recently came to him from a relative who handed on the tradition that the ship picture was from a collection of articles once belonging to Moses Brown, Providence merchant.

38 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

A few interesting facts have come to light about the ship Rising States. She was a packet ship voyaging in 1812 between Providence and Charleston, South Carolina; First notice of her sailing appears in the Providence Gazette of Saturday, March 14, 1812: "Port of Providence. Entered: Ship . . . Rising States, Swift, from Charleston."

In the same week, on the front page of the Rhode Island American, appears an advertisement to the effect that the Packet Ship Rising States, Elisha Swift, Master, will sail March 14 for Charleston, S. C. This advertisement is reproduced on the front cover of Collections. The Packet's return is reported in the Gazette of April 1 1, and her clearance for Charleston again is reported April 25, 1812. A little later in the year the Gazette reported the arrival of Ship Rising States, Swift, from Charleston, May 23. And in its issue of May 30, the Gazette reports Rising States, Swift, Master, cleared for Charleston.

PACKET SHIPS COMPETE

The Rising States had a competitor whose sailing was advertised in the Gazette of March 7, 1812:

"For Charleston (S. C.) the regular Packet Ship Morn- ing Star, Samuel Grafton, Master, will sail on the 8th of March next, Wind and Weather permitting. For Freight or Passage, apply to Grafton and Hawkins, or the Master on board, at Moses Eddy and Brothers' Wharf."

The owners of the Rising States appear in a manuscript list about 1818 in the Society's archives as Humphrey & Everett. The March 1812 advertisement of the sailing was signed by Everett & Stillwell.

Two 1812 Cargoes

Among the old shipping documents in the riles of the Society, Mr. Chapin found the two manifests of the first two voyages of the Rising States noted in the port entries and clearances.

A PROVIDENCE PACKET SHIP OF 1812 39

The first manifest is dated at Charleston, February 26, 1812. It lists 16 entries:

Thirty-five Barrells Rice consigned to Giles Luther, Bristol.

Eighteen do.

Forty-five Hogs heads Molasses

Twelve Tierces Cotton machinery

Fifteen Bbls Rice

One barrell bacon, two "bbls Harness

Fourteen boxes Cotton Machinery

Twenty-six hhds Molasses

Eight barrells Rice, to George Graves, Providence.

Seven Barrells Do. to Seth Thayer

Five hhds & One Tierce Cotton Seeds, to E. Swift, Providence

One bag Coffee-One bale sheepskins, to E. Swift, Providence

Sundry pieces Cotton Machinery, to Giles Luther, Bristol

Seven Bales Cotton, to Giles Luther Bristol

Twenty one Barrells Rice, to Everett & Stillwell, Providence

Ten Bales'Cotton, to Everett & Stillwell, Providence

The manifest of the voyage from Providence to Charles- ton lists nine items:

1. Two Hundred Bbls Menhaden Fish, shipped from Sam'l P. Allen to consignee E. Swift.

2. One hundred Bbls Bread, from Wm. Potter to E. Swift.

3. One Hundred Bbls Apples, from George Evans to E. Swift.

4. Forty Bbls Potatoes, from George Graves to E. Swift.

5. Four Boxes Cards, from Alex Jones to A. D. Meurry.

6. Seven Bbls Pork, from Everett & Stillwell, Providence, to Stillwell & Everett, Charleston.

7. Six Box's Cotton goods, ditto.

8. Four Box's Bonnets, ditto.

9. One Hundred Reams Wrapping paper, ditto.

(Cards and Bonnets are names of cotton machinery.)

What happened to Packet Ship Rising States has not been discovered. Indication of change of owners or master appear on the back of the portrait of the ship. There in the same handwriting that is seen on the face and which states that it was Drawed by Charles Simmons, the following inscription is written: "A Present for Thomas Jackson, Providence."

40 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The foregoing fragmentary facts regarding a Providence ship of 1812 open up a glimpse of an interesting period in the maritime history of Narragansett Bay. What effect had the War of 1812 on the Rising States; what became of her and her rival, the Morning Star? We do know that Provi- dence commerce went flat at the time of the war, and that it revived and flourished again in 181 5, and reached its high mark in 1819.

A note on the tonnage of Rhode Island ports in 1810 is given in Staples' Annals: Providence, 15,864 tons; New- port, 12,517; Bristol, 777.

A Short History of Jamestown, on the Island of Conanicut, Rhode Island

By W. L. Watson

In writing an historical sketch of Jamestown or, in fact, any of the older New England towns, it has always seemed to me that the actual history really began in the 14th and 1 5th centuries, in those widely separated movements which, with the great aid of the invention of printing, led up to the Reformation of the 1 6th century. While the Reforma- tion was essentially a religious and moral movement, of necessity it developed in the individual the feeling of responsibility and independence of thought. The courage and determination of the Pilgrims to leave home and friends and seek a new life in an unknown country was not born over night. It was, instead, the culmination of many years of struggle, privation and persecution, but always with an ever increasing elevation of the soul, clarification of the mind and the development of conscience.

From the beginning of the Reformation, about 1515, down to 1607, when that little band at Scroby, exiled by the English government, crossed to Holland and settled

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 41

in Leyden, this idea of freedom in religious thought had spread in all the governments of the old world. But the little colony in Leyden became convinced that they could never attain their ideals amid the surroundings of Europe, and we have that epoch-making voyage of the Mayflower in 1 620. The reasons for this voyage, and the strength of character it took to make it, should be the first considera- tion in any history of early New England.

The first voyage having been successfully made, others soon followed and by 1644, thirty-four thousand people had settled in New England. The Bay Colony, developed more along commercial lines, soon attained the greater prominence. The government was started as a democracy, the governor and his assistants being chosen by the free- men. But in 1631, it was decreed that none but members of the church could be freemen. The government thus became a pure theocracy, controlled, unfortunately, by a few nar- row minded, superstitious religious bigots.' Into these surroundings came Roger Williams in 1631. He was soon (1635) banished from the colony because of his religious views. Mrs. Ann Hutchinson also preached a gospel that offended the church government. She, too, was banished "out of our jurisdiction as a woman not fit for our society." Before and during the trial many of her followers and others in sympathy with her, had been warned to leave the colony or they would be summoned before the court "to answer such things as shall be objected." Realizing what the outcome would be, this band, under the leadership of Dr. John Clarke and William Coddington, chartered a sailing vessel with the intention of founding their own colony somewhere on Long Island or the shores of Dela- ware Bay.

While the vessel was rounding Cape Cod a few of them went overland to Providence to confer with Roger Williams. Being in full sympathy with them and desiring such people as neighbors, he suggested that they purchase the Island of Acquidneck from the Indians. ( It will be

42 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

recalled that one of the many points of disagreement between Williams and the Boston authorities was his con- tention that the king had no right to the land in America, as it belonged to the Indians.) His suggestion met with the approval of the company and after several meetings with the Indian Chiefs Connonicus and Miantanomu, who were very friendly with Roger Williams, a compact of government was drawn up on the 7th day of the first month ( March ) and on the 24th day of the same month title to "the great island of Acquidneck lyinge from hence East- ward in this Bay, as also the marsh or grasse upon Quinuni- cutt and the rest of the islands in the Bay (excepting Prudence )", passed from the Narragansett Indians to "Mr. Coddington and his friends under him." Here, I believe, we have the first mention of Conanicut in any official record.

The settlement was established at Pocasset (now Ports- mouth ), and in the first year it has been estimated that over one hundred families joined the new colony. Then came the division of the colony and the more substantial mem- bers, under the leadership of Dr. John Clarke and William Coddington, moved to the southern part of the island and established themselves at what is now Newport.

In the records of the first town meeting at Newport we find the following entry:

"It is agreed and ordered, that the Plantation now begun at this Southwest end of the island, shall be called Newport: and that all the landes lying Northward and Eastward from the said Towne towards Pocasset, for the space of live miles, so across from sea to sea with all ye landes Southward and Westward, bounded with the main sea, together with the small Islands and the grass of Cunnunnegott, is appointed for the accommodation of ye said Towne."

Here we have the second mention of Conanicut, but this time with a special reference which has a major bearing on the history of the island.

In picturing conditions with which the settlers of prac- tically every town in New England had to contend, it must

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 43

be remembered that all the country was a virgin forest. It was even so at Newport. But for many years the Narra- gansett Indians had used Conanicut for a summer camping ground and here, after first having cleared the ground, they raised their crops of corn and beans. Their method of clearing was to set fire to the forest when conditions were favorable and let it burn. As a result large areas were cleared and had grown* up to "grasse." This was a most valuable crop for the settlers at Newport who, as yet had very limited pasture for their cattle. Hence the "grasse of Cunnunnegott" was especially set apart "for the acom- modation of ye said Towne."

But trouble arose over this same "grasse" and in the Land Evidence Book we find the following entry dated March 10, 1656.

"For as much as it is frequently declared that of late there have been endeavors used by some who are neither inhabitants of this Island or mem- bers of this Colony, to get into their possession and power of disposal the above Island Quononaqutt. And considering how commodiously ye said Island lieth for the enlarging the acomodations of some of us, in regard to ye nearness of it to our dwellings as also considering the great straight that many of us are in, for want of commonage for cattle, Therefore and for the preventing any forreigners getting into their possession whereby inconvenience and disturbance might possibly, yea and probably arise to ye government of this Colony.

"We whose names are hereto subscribed do as above said for ourselves or heirs etc. agree as followeth: Viz.

"First, That for the procuring the aforesaid Island Quononaqutt for ye occasions aforesaid we do hereby authorize and appoint seven of our num- ber (namely) William Coddington Esq. Benedict Arnold, Sen. William Brenton or in his absence William Baulston in his stead, also Richard Smith of Narragansett, also Capt. John Cranston, Caleb Carr and John Sanford to use the best of their endeavors to make a full and firm purchase of the aforsaid Island Quononaqutt for and to themselves &for the rest of us who are in this present writing hereafter in order mentioned and also here unto to subscribe, and to the end premised the persons aforenamed

are hereby fully and absolutelv impowered and authorized, to meet

.... and agree upon any direction .... about getting the assurance from any Sachem and of the Indians . . . concerning said Island Quononaqutt, as also for the Island called Dutch Island to the intent Above said."

To this agreement there are 98 signatures.

44 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Richard Smith Junr. negotiated with the Indian sachems and a price of £100, to be paid in wampum and peage, was agreed upon. The sachems, with their braves, and the pur- chasers assembled at the house of William Coddington in Newport where the deed was signed and witnessed, after which it was ratified by the passing of turf and twig from other sachems to Caleb Carr and Francis Brinley. Joshua Fisher made a survey and computed the area of the island, which was found to contain about 6,000 acres. It was agreed to allot 4,800 acres for division among the proprietors, 260 for a township, 20 acres of which were to be used for an Artillery Garden, a "place for buriel of ye dead," a prison house, and for a road four rods wide to run across the island, and 240 acres were reserved for a townplot to be divided in the proportion of one acre of townplot to 20 acres of farm land. The remaining land was reserved for high- ways and for reallotment to those whose lands proved to be undesirable.

It will thus be seen that the originators of the purchase had quite an elaborate scheme. The farm lands were to be at the north and south ends of the island, and the four rod road, which is now Narragansett Avenue, formerly Ferry Road, was to be the main road for the townplot.

It was further agreed that the land was to be divided in the same proportion as the amount subscribed, thus we read:

"William Coddington of Newport Esq., & Benedict Arnold, Senr. shall each of them pay one twentieth part of the whole charge and shall each of them receive one twentieth part of the premised purchase, and William Brenton, Merchant shall pay one fortieth part and one, one hun- dred and eleventh part of the whole charge and shall receive one fortieth part and one, one hundred and eleventh part of the premised purchase. And Richard Smith Senr., Capt. John Cranston, Richard Smith Junr. Robert Carr, Caleb Carr, Francis Brinley, fames Barker, [ames Rogers, John Sailes, John Green, Valentine Whitman, and John Sanford shall each of them pay one fortieth part of the whole charge and shall receive one fortieth part of the premised purchase."

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 45

And so it goes through the whole list of 98 names until the last which reads:

"Thomas Case, Anthony Ravenscraft, Thomas Oliver, and John Fones shall each of them pav one nine hundreth part of the whole charge and shall each of them receive one nine hundredth part of the premised purchase."

A letter written by Francis Brinley, one of the purchas- ers, states that "John Green . . . was the first person that improved his land, and immediately sowed hay seed on his land where about he intended to build a house." A descrip- tion of this house will be taken up later.

The original plan of the purchasers provided for town plots as well as farming sections. The four rod road, now Narragansett Avenue, connecting the ferries, was the old Indian trail and along this were located the town plots. The farms were 'at the north and south ends of the island and every 20 acres of farm land carried one acre of town plot. But those actively interested were farmers and they gen- erally sold or traded the town plot to which they were entitled. Then again the purchase of the island, with many, was simply a speculation in land and they sold their interest even before the property was divided. All these things resulted in great confusion and in 1680 the island was resurveyed by Robert Hazard and all the records obtain- able were ordered presented to the town clerk for recording.

All this would seem to indicate that the island was not gaining many permanent residents, and for lack of land evidence records we must turn to another source for further information.

Conanicut is an island, and Newport was the only market for products grown there. Most of the residents must have had their own boats, but in a letter written in 1675, Captain Church stated that, at the time of the Great Swamp fight, when he was summoned from his home in Rehoboth to Warwick, he crossed the bay by way of the ferries, and there seems to be no question that he referred to ferries from Newport to Conanicut and from Conanicut to Narra-

46 RHODE ISLAM) H [STORICAL SOCIETY

gansett. If there was travel enough to support two ferries, one on each side of the island, it is quite evident that many settlers had taken up a permanent residence on the island.

The history' of these ferries is most unusual and intensely interesting. The establishing of some regular means of get- ting to "market" would be the first necessity of an island population, and while Captain Church mentions such fer- ries in 1675 it is evident that they had then been in opera- tion several years. The first license to operate a ferry was granted in 1695 to Caleb Carr, afterward governor of the colony, but records show that he had already operated the ferry many years. The landing in Newport was at exactly the same spot as is the present ferry landing, at the foot of Mill Street, formerly Carr's Lane, and on the property of Caleb Carr. The landing on Conanicut was about opposite the south end of Gould Island, at the east end of North Ferry Road, now Eldred Avenue. The old stone wharf is still to be seen and is sometimes referred to as Howland's Wharf. North Ferry Road extended directly west to the west shore, and while there is no wharf in evidence at this point, the stones along the shore seem to be the remains of what once was a stone wharf. The landing for this west ferry on the mainland was at Plum Beach.

It is hard to determine just how long the ferries were operated at these points, but in 1 709 we find that John Carr, son of Caleb, was granted a petition for the renewal of his license. At the same time a license was granted to Robert Barker to operate a ferry from Jamestown to New- port, thus giving two ferries between Newport and James- town. On the west side a license was granted to Capt. Josiah Arnold and also one to John and Jeremiah Smith to oper- ate from Boston Neck. This seems a superabundance, but it must be remembered that these "ferries" were simply sail- boats, operating at the mercy of wind and tide. Dr. McSpar-

lRhode Island Ferries by Dr. and Mrs. Charles V. Chapin, also R. I. Hist. Coll. XIV, III.

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 47

ron tells of catching a ferry just before a storm and the ferry did not sail again for two days, and on the east side a boat once left Newport in the afternoon, got caught in the ice off Rose Island and was carried through the passage, beyond Brenton's Reef, not arriving at Jamestown until late the next morning.

The ferry from Newport to Jamestown was owned by descendants of Caleb Carr until 1 873, a period of 1 78 years. The other ferries changed hands frequently. At one time the colony undertook to operate the west ferry, but soon gave it up and sold all the equipment and rights to Abel Franklin for "the sum of Three Thousand and Five Hun- dred Pounds in good and passable bills of public credit of said Colony old Tenor." ( This was the time during which the Colony was experimenting with flat money ; the amount paid was worth less than £500 silver money.)

In 1873 the Jamestown and Newport Ferry Company was organized and the Steamer Jamestown began her regu- lar trips. But at the northern end of the island was a ferry, so called, which operated only Saturdays, the day the farm- ers "went to town" to trade their produce. The boat left from the foot of Carr's Lane. The gathering farmers would sit on the water fence awaiting the arrival of Sam Wright, whose "Goot morning, chentlemens, if such ye be" was the real signal for departure. But the newly organized ferry company objected to even this competition. The boat was purchased and the last sail boat ferry to Newport disap- peared from the island.

The record of the Carr family in connection with the ferry is quite remarkable. Caleb Carr founded the first ferry sometime before 1695, his son John received the first license to operate the ferry in 1 709. Ownership of the ferry was handed down from father to son through five genera- tions of Samuel Carrs to 1873. George C. Carr was organ- izer and first president ( 1 8 73- 1902) of the Jamestown and Newport Ferry Company; Thomas G. Carr was president, 1902-1908, and his son, George C. Carr, has been treasurer,

48 RHODK ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

except for one year, since 1913. So, except for eleven years, a descendant of Caleb Carr has owned the Newport ferry or been an officer in the ferry company from 1675 to the present time — a period of 259 years.

In following the history of the ferries we see the devel- opment of the island. But there is other evidence. Back in 1678, when there were but two sailboat ferries operating, we find a petition by Caleb Carr and Francis Brinley to the General Assembly to incorporate the town. This was granted on November 4th the same year, "the inhabitants to have the same priviledges and libertyes as were granted to New Shoreham." The new town was named James Towne, in honor of James I of England.

At the first town meeting the records show the following officers elected:

TOWN MEETING FOR THE ELECTION OF OFFICERS

April 1679

John Fones chosen Moderator Engaged

John Fones chosen clerk of said town Engaged

Mr. Caleb Carr, Sen'r., Mr. Francis Brinley,

Caleb Carr, Jun'r., and Nicholas Carr chosen to be Town Counsel 1 Engaged

Ebenezer Slocum and Michaell Kally chosen to be the two constables of the said town, but Michaell Kally obstinately Refusing to take his engage- ment to said office, Caleb Carr, Jun'r. chosen in his stead Ebene7.er Slocum and Caleb Carr, Jun'r. Engaged to their said offices.

Peter Wells chosen town sargeant Engaged

Nicholas Carr and Caleb Carr, Jun'r. chosen to be viewers of cattle, sheeps Swine and Horses wich may be carried or transported from this Township.

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 49

John Fones

Ebenezer Slocum ye two deputies for ye court.

The first town hall was on the North Road just south of North Ferry Road. The inhabitants were predominantly farmers and the vision of a settlement on the town plots, four miles south of North Ferry Road, was not realized until many years later. The only part of the town plot which was used was the Artillery Garden. It was evidently intended to have this for a village green but it was early used for a burial ground and is so used today. There are stones standing that bear dates in the early 1700's.

There were four main highways, one running across the island on the old Indian trail through the proposed town plot. One ran north and south from this road to the north end of the island, another from the Indian trail south to the beach, and the other, North Ferry Road, ran east and west connecting the ferries. But many of the farms did not touch any of these highways, so an interminable number of roads were laid out. These were not fenced and many ran through other men's property. This led to endless trouble and lasted many years. There is a story told about the pro- posal to close one of these roads because it was not used. This was opposed by Robert Watson and to prove that it was used, he yoked up his oxen to the ox cart and drove up and down it all day with his wife contentedly knitting, seated in a chair placed in the cart. That night the opposi- tion felled a number of trees, thus closing the road, but old Robert cleared these up the next morning and resumed his solemn journey. In the end, however, he lost out and the road was closed. A later owner of the property deeded that part of the farm back to the town to be used for a road if it was ever thought best to open it again. This happened some seventy-five years ago and was the last of the controversies regarding roads.

The story of these old roads naturally leads to the old houses. It will be recalled that Francis Brinley stated that "John Green was the first to improve his land etc." As near

50 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

as can be determined he built his house about 1672 on what is now known as Shoreby Hill. The house still stands but has been so rebuilt, repaired and added to that all trace of the original house is lost. There are portions of the eastern part that possibly have the original timbers. Joseph Greene, a Quaker and a descendant of John, who gave this farm in trust for the benefit of the Friend's Church, described it as, "My farm on the Island of Conanicut known by the name of the Greene Farm, and the house thereon standing in which I now live ( where my predecessors of the same name have lived for generations back, if not from the first settle- ment of the Island by English Emigrants)." Among the stipulations of his will, he ordered that his clock be kept in the southeast corner of the east front room and that the west front chamber be kept in constant readiness for "Min- isters and others traveling in the service of Truth." The room was to be furnished with "two good bedsteads, two beds, two bolsters, two pair of pillows, and other necessary furniture." This will was contested, and was in court many years before it was finally broken.

Another of the old houses is the Samuel Carr House, located on the North Road near the center of the island about four miles north of the Green farmhouse. It was built about 1686 by Governor Caleb Carr for his son Edward. Like the old Bull house in Newport, it was built partly of wood and partly of stone. The stones of the western end are different from any found on Conanicut and are laid in the same kind of mortar as was found in the Bull house and the Old Stone Mill. The walls were twenty or more inches thick. Like the Greene farmhouse it has been rebuilt and repaired. The immense chimney, which was in the outer wall of the house, fell during a gale and the eastern half has been rebuilt. It was occupied up to two years ago but is now deserted and uncared for.

About three miles northeast of the Edward Carr house is the house built by Capt. Thomas Paine, about 1680. It is now the summer residence of Robert Yose. This house, also,

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 51

has been rebuilt and enlarged but still retains the immense chimney with its old-fashioned fireplaces, the uncovered beams in the ceiling, and a quaint china closet with glass doors built in the corner of the front room. Unlike the other old houses on the island, this one has its front door on the east instead of the south.

Capt. Paine was commander of one of the first privateer vessels sailing out of Narragansett Bay. In 1690 a fleet of seven French privateers appeared off the New England coast, capturing Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard and Block Island. Capt. Paine with two sloops and ninety men was sent against them. Off Block Island he encountered five of them and, though greatly outnumbered, engaged the enemy until night separated them. The next day the French put to sea, but Capt. Paine gave chase and compelled them to sink a prize loaded with wines and brandy.

From the records it would seem that Capt. Paine did a little privateering on his own account. He was an intimate friend of the famous Capt. Kidd, who visited him at James- town.1 Lord Bellemont's journal for Sept. 26, 1699, reads: "I also examined Capt'n Thomas Paine ( formerly a pirate) upon his oath, relating to goods or treasure, imported by Capt'n William Kidd, and reported to be left by Kidd with the said Paine." This same year, when Capt. Kidd and his wife were imprisoned in Boston, Mrs. Kidd wrote to Capt. Paine requesting him to give the bearer twenty-four ounces of gold for their support while in jail. In spite of the fore- going, Capt. Paine was a captain in the commissioned offi- cers of the town and Dr. McSparron occasionally held services of the Church of England at his house. When John J. Watson owned this farm, he started the "Social Library" in 1870. This was the first library in the town, and until recent years the list of books was still pasted on the door of the cupboard where the books were kept.

About half way between the Greene farmhouse and the

JR. I. Hist. Soc. Coll. XV, 97, and XXIII, 19.

52 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Edward Carr house is the Carr homestead, built in 1 776 by Nicholas Carr, grandson of Governor Caleb Carr. This is the oldest house on the island which still remains as it was originally built. It also has the unique distinction of always having been owned and inhabited by descendants of the builder. The house is built around a huge chimney having six fireplaces, one of which has the baking oven, the great cranes and the iron cooking kettles. The old grandfather's clock, which Nicholas bought of Thomas Clagget the year he built the house, still stands in the southeast corner of the east front room, accurately ticking off the seconds, and its silvery chime is but an echo of the happiness which this old house has seen. Nicholas must have had faith in his country for he built his house in troublous times, — among the objects in the museum ( formerly the glass doored china closet in the parlor ) is a cannon ball which was shot through the southeast corner of the house under the eaves by a British man-of-war. A story is told of an encounter Nicholas had with the captain of one of the British war vessels. He was plowing one day when this captain appeared and ordered him to give up his oxen. No attention being paid the captain drew his sword and struck Nicholas a blow on the head. Quaker though he was, Nicholas started in to defend his rights and soon a much battered British captain cried for quarter. Later in the day a file of marines seized the fighting Quaker and took him, a prisoner in irons, on board the ship. Each morning, for three days, he was brought on deck with a rope around his neck and given his choice of getting down on his knees and kissing the hand of a loyal subject of the king, or of being hanged. William Battey and another Tory named Hull, friends and neigh- bors of Nicholas, went aboard the ship and pleaded for their friend, who was finally liberated. This "1776 House11 is mie of the most picturesque places on the island.

Another interesting structure is the lighthouse at Beaver Tail. According to the records of the Department of Com- merce, the first lighthouse on the continent was built on

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HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 53

Little Brewster Island, at the entrance to Boston Harbor, in 1 7 1 5- 1 6 by the order and at the expense of the General Court of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, being first lighted September 14, 1716, old style.

The first real lighthouse on Conanicut, recognized as such, was built at Beaver Tail in 1 749. But in the Proprie- tors Records for the 10th day of the second month, 1705, it was ordered "that there shall be a chimney built to the Watch house of Beaver Tail." Again on the 9th day of June, 1712, "At a meeting of the Town Counsell called by the Governors order to sett a watch and build a Beacon. It is ordered that John Hull grant a warrant to Gershom Remington to warn the Indians to build a beacon as soon as possible. It is further ordered that John Hull grant forth a warrent to Benedict Arnold to look after the Watch and see that it be. faithfully kept." In those days, ship building and shipping was the principal industry around the shores of Narragansett Bay, and while undoubtedly this watch and beacon were primarily established to warn against attack from the sea, it seems reasonable to believe that they might have been used for the benefit of outgoing and incoming vessels also. In which case it could be claimed that Beaver Tail was the first lighthouse.

Another of the interesting old land marks is the Wind Mill, which stands on Wind Mill Hill near the center of the northern half of the island. This mil], however, is the third and possibly the fourth mill that was built. Corn is native to this country, and was unknown to Europe until after America had become settled. It was the first gift to the white men by the Indians and immediately became the chief article of diet. To be usable it had to be ground. This the Indians did by hand, but the inventive genius of the white man early developed the water mill and later the wind mill, the one in Newport being built in 1 663. It was a long journey from Jamestown to Newport and the building of a mill on the island must have been an early considera- tion, but when or where the first mill was built is still

54 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

unknown. On North Ferry Road, on a high hill, stands an old house the front door step of which is an old mill stone, and it is probable that the first mill was in that immediate vicinity. However, the first record of a mill is in 1728, when the Town Meeting voted that "Richard Tew and David Green go and buy stores and irons for the building of a wind-mill and that Richard Tew and Thomas Carr Provide lumber for the aforesaid mill." The mill was running in 1730. In 1738 it was voted that Nicholas Can- have the mill for his own proper estate, but in 1742 it was voted "that Gershan Remington and John Martin is apinted to talk to Nicholas Carr to keep the mill in Repare." Nicholas had moved to Newport and what happened to the mill is unknown. It is thought to have stood somewhat north of the present mill.

It is evident that the town was without a mill in 1 760 for a vote to build a new mill was passed in the negative. It was again before the town meeting in 1768 and was again voted down. Not until 1787 was the matter again consid- ered, when a committee was appointed to investigate the cost. They proved themselves thrifty men by petitioning the General Assembly for the grant of a part of Col. Joseph Wanton's farm which had been confiscated. Wanton was a Tory and had left the island when the British evacuated Newport. The petition was granted and the town was given half an acre for this purpose. If, however, the mill became useless or unused for a period of two years, the land was to revert to the state. The mill was built and part of the money was raised by the sale of the highways "running between the North Point Farm and Jonathan Hopkins' and Tidde- man Hull's, and the highway running through Joseph Martin's Farm."

Jethro Briggs was the first miller and was required to give bond in money or "as much corn as one hundred dol- lars will purchase." Briggs moved to Newport in 1 793 and the mill was without a miller. In 1 795 it was sold at public auction to Benjamin Carr, but evidently he never took pos-

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 55

session, for the next year Briggs sold it to Nathan Munroe for 301 Spanish milled dollars. The record is now complete down to 1893, having been owned by ten persons in that period. The highest price, $3,000, was paid by Isaac W. Potter in 1 874. Thomas A. H. Tefft was the last operating owner and his brother Jesse, the last miller ( 1 896 ).

The mill remained idle for many years and was fast fall- ing to decay. In 1904, through the instrumentality of Mrs. Frank H. Rosengarten and a number of the summer resi- dents and the residents of the Carr Homestead, money was raised and an informal Wind Mill Society was formed. The deed was retained by Mrs. Rosengarten until 1912, when the Historical Society, first proposed by Mrs. Elizabeth Carr Locke of Los Angeles, was formed. The two societies combined under the name of the Jamestown Historical Society, with Miss Lena H. Clarke as the first president. The old mill is now in almost complete repair, although is not as yet in such mechanical condition as to be in actual operation.

Turning from the commercial to the spiritual, we have the Quaker Meeting House. Here again we must go back many years before the present building. When the compact of government was drawn up for the settlement at Pocasset, it read in part: "It is ordered that none shall be accounted a delinquent for doctrine," and so well was this observed that Cotton Mather said, "I believe there never was held such a variety of religions together on such a small spot of ground — if a man had lost his religion he might find it at the general muster of the opinionists." About 1 648, George Fox founded the Society of Friends in England and, in spite of persecution and imprisonment, the society grew in numbers and were zealous in spreading their belief. In this country the only welcoming hand was extended by New- port; even Roger Williams was active against them. As early as 1656, Quakers had become settled in Newport. Fox himself preached there in 1 672, and by 1 700 Quaker- ism had affected the entire population of the island. The

56 RHODE [SLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

leading citizens were active members of the society. As a natural consequence the large majority of the settlers of Jamestown were Quakers. The attendance at the Newport Meetings was infrequent and meetings were soon held at members' houses. An entry in the Newport Meeting rec- ords reads, "At a man and womens meeting at ye house of Mathew Borden the 24th Day 12 mo, 1684 this meeting has thought fit with the approbation of Jamestown alias Quononoquott to sett a quarterly meeting at Nicholas Carrs in said town to begin the second day after our monthly meeting in the first month next." In 1693 Thomas Chalk- ley preached on Jamestown. For the "14th of 4th mo 1 709" the Newport records read, "it was proposed at this meeting by Representatives of Jamestown yt there is necessity of building a meeting house at Jamestown which is referred to next monthly meeting." The records for the meeting read, "ye 9th day e 6 mo. 1709. This meeting doth give leave for the friends of Jamestown to build a meeting house on their island."

In the Land Evidence records for 1 7 1 0 there is recorded a deed of the "land on which a meeting house stands in which the people called Quakers usually meet." This defi- nitely establishes that the first meeting house was built 1709-10. Also by this deed the location is established on the north side of North Ferry Road, now Cemetery Lane, in what is now known as the old cemetery. A few years ago funds were raised to clear up this old cemetery, which was al 1 overgrown with brush and trees. After this was done and the old grave stones set up and repaired, there, in the south east corner, directly in front of the entrance, was a clear space, entirely free from graves, where, undoubtedly, stood this first meeting house.

The next twenty-three years passed without anything of particular interest except the general growth of the settle- ment. It has been previously noted that, as the numbers on the island increased, the center of population crept towards

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 57

the south. This brought about the next change which is best told by the records themselves.

25 of the 10 mo 1733

"This meeting having had futher conference concerning Jamestown meeting house, it is desired that the friends of that town do consider among themselves whether it may not be for the General Service and Benefit to Remove s'd meeting house or dispose of that and build another at some other more convenient place and make a full return of their minds in that matter to our next Mo meeting and David Green is desired to acquaint the friends of Jamestown accordingly."

Newport 29th ye 1 1th mo 1733

"This meeting being informed that the persons that the deed of James- town meeting house was made to, are all deceased excepting David Green therefore this meeting doth desire David Green to make a deed of Con- veyance of s'd house & the land belonging thereto to Daniel Weeden, John Hull, Tho Carr and David Green Jr. and make report to next monthly meeting.

"Whereas Jamestown friends are desirous to build a new meeting house on their Island and Nicholas Carr signified that he is willing to give as much land as is needful for that purpose and this meeting desires said Nicholas Carr to pass a deed of conveyance for the s'd purpose to Sam'l Clarke, Daniel Weeden, Tho Carr and John Hull and make report to next Mo meeting."

Newport 26th da 1 mo 1734

"Sam'l Clarke makes report that Nicholas Carr hath' passed a deed of conveyance of a quarter of an acre at Jamestown to set a new meeting house on, to the Persons nominated at a former Mo. meeting."

Portsmouth 27th ve 6 mo 1734

"This meeting doth desire Sam'l Clarke and Nicholas Carr to Remove the old meeting house at Jamestown to the place where is appointed to build the new meeting house and to build an addition or 1 8 foot leantew fashion with a chimney at the end and see what subscription they can get and make report to our next Mo. meeting."

Newport 26th of the 9th mo. 1734

"Nicholas Carr and Sam'l Clarke brought an acc't of charge for moving & building their meeting house amounting to £114 - 4 - 10 which is allowed and ordered to be paid by John Casey out of the meeting stock."

58 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The deed of Nicholas Carr appears in the Land Evidence Records for March 31,1 734, and by the boundaries given, we find the land is that on which the present meeting house stands. Peace and contentment reigned for many years. But in 1775 the British fleet sailed into the harbor and took possession of Newport and the fortified parts of Jamestown. This critical period in the history of the island will be taken up later. The effect of this occupation on the meeting house is again best told by the records.

Newport 26th. 3 mo 1 776

"This meeting being informed that Friends have mostly moved from Jamestown therefore this meeting doth appoint Gould Marsh & Thomas Gould Jun. to inquire into circumstances of S'd Friends & the meeting there & report to next monthly meeting."

Newport 28th 5 mo 1776

"The Friends who had the care of the matter respecting friends at Jamestown made return which is accepted as followetli:

Newport 5 of the 5 mo 1776

"Agreeable to appointment we have made some inquiry respecting the Meeting & Meeting House of Friends at Jamestown and were informed that some time in the tenth month that most friends belonging thereto left the Island whereby the meeting ceased and that the soldiers possessed themselves of the House which suffered considerably from them in which condition it still remains and but one family of friends as vet returned and settled on the Island."

Newport 25 of 7 mo 1776

"The Preparative Meeting of Newport informed that Friends at Jamestown had represented to them that they have for some time past laboured under some disadvantage in regard to holding their Meeting at Private Houses and proposed for Friends approbation for their better accommodation whereupon we appoint Robert Dennis, Isaac Lawton, Richard Mitchell, Gould Marsh and William Almv to confer with Friends at Jamestown aforesaid, respecting the above."

Newport 26th of 9th mo 1 786 The committee appointed to confer with friends at

HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 59

James Town respecting the Building a Meeting House reported as follows, viz,

"According to our appointment, we have conferred with the Friends of Jamestown respecting building a Meeting house at that place, and it is our Judgement that it may be well that there be one built, provided that it can be accomplished in the way by them proposed viz to procure Mon'ies by subscription to purchase the material and to do the Labour at their own expense And thin^; that a building 26 ft. by 20 of one story high, sufficiently capacious to accommodate them." (To be continued)

Genealogical Notes

By Edward H. West

DANIEL WILCOX

Who was the first wife of Daniel Wilcox? Elizabeth Cook must have been his second wife, for in the deed to Edward Lay in 1661, he reserved a rod of land for the grave of his buried wife.

In a corner of a jog of land just north of this land are three unmarked grave stones. I do not think that they are Wilcox stones, but in the wall, where they have been moved from the middle of the lot, are three fragments of stones. On one of them is the inscription

"Samwell Wilcock 1689."

I think it possible that Daniel Wilcox (2) was the son of the first wife.*

THOMAS COOK OF PORTSMOUTH

This article is to show that the names of the wives of Thomas Cook, Sr., and of his son, Capt. Thomas Cook, as

*The same conclusion is reached by G. Andrews Moriarty in the N. E. H.&G. Reg., Jan. 1933, p. 74, wherein he quotes from R. I. H. S. Collections of July 1932.

60 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

given by Austin and other Cook lists are not correct; also, there is to be a change in the children.

Thomas Cook, Sr., in his will, left the daughters of his dec. son, Thomas Cook, 14 pounds apiece, his Exx. to be wife Mary (his 2nd wife).

In 1693 (L. E. I. -307) Oliver Arnold gave receipt to Jeremiah Brown of Newport, now husband of Mary, late widow of the dec. Thomas Cook, for the sum of 1 5 pounds, the legacy left said Arnold's wife, Phebe, by the will of her g-father, Thomas Cook.

Thomas Cook, Sr., must have been at least 64 years of age at the time of his death, going by the birth date of his son John ( 163 1 ).

His 2nd wife, Mary, must have been much younger, as she married again after his death in 1674, and was living in 1692.

The will of William Havens mentions his daughter, Mary Cook. She must have been born about 1655, as her older brother, George, was born in 1653. This would make her age compare with the above condition, and what follows shows that she was not the wife of Capt. Thomas, as he had wife Thomasin and not Mary.

12 Oct. 1670, "Whereas Capt. Thomas Cook of Ports- mouth late deceased and left a verbal will leaving

his wife Exx. and she in her lifetime time not aplying her self according to law to prove sayd will was thereby incap- sitated to make a will for the Disposal of her sayd Husbands Estate - - whereupon the eldist son and Heir of

the dec. Capt. Thomas Cook having aplyed himself unto us the Counsell of the Town of Portsmouth, for our assist- ance in the setling of his dec. fathers Estate - Wee have and do hereby apoynt Thomas Cook, eldist son of the afore named Capt. Thomas Cook, to be the whole and sole Exicutor unto the whole Estate of the Sayd Capt. Thomas Cook and the late Deceased widow Thomasin Cook."

GENEALOGICAL NOTES 61

"Said Thomas to have the whole estate, he paying all debts of his deceased parents as well as the following legacies.

" shall pay unto his brothers namely John, George,

Steven and Ebenezer Cook to each of them at the

age of 20 years 10 s.

"We also order that the said Thomas Cook shall pay unto his sisters, namely Sarah, the wife of Peter Parker, Mary the wife of Thomas Langford, Elizabeth, Phebe, and Martha Cook, to each 5 s apiece."

This shows that Sarah was not the daughter of Thomas, Sr.

Also it gives another Cook daughter, Mary Langford.

In a deposition of Thomas Cook taken in Newport, 22 July 1719, about the estates of Isaac and Thomas Law- ton, he calls himself 62 years or thereabouts, which would make his birth about 1657.

( Loose Paper, State House. )

Mary Langford's will mentions her husband's child and gives its some clothes that were its own mother's. She also mentions sister Sarah Parker and her brother Thomas. (Scrap Book, Portsmouth. )

The will of Thomas Langford makes wife Mary sole Exx., and he also "gives my whole estate with the power and taking care of my son Thomas." (Scrap Book) He does not mention the son John that Austin gives him.

Inventory of the goods of Mary Langford "who departed this life on the 1 7 day of feb 1 670." ( Scrap Book)

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

Notes on the Rhode Island Admiralty , 1727-1790, by Frederick Bernays Wiener, is a pamphlet reprinted from The Harvard Law Review, 1932, vol. XLVI, No. 1.

62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The June 1932 Bulletin of the Jamestown Historical Society contains an article on Old Jamestown by Maria A. Carr.

A Spaniard's Visit to Newport in 1784, a translation by Don Juan de Riano of Francisco Miranda's diary, is printed in the October 1932 Bulletin of the Newport His- torical Society.

The Auchmuty Family of Scotland and America by Annette Townsend contains a biographical sketch and por- trait of Judge Robert Auchmuty.

Carrie Tower, a poem by Harry Paul Taylor, illustrated by Stacy Tolman, East Providence, 1932, was printed as a pamphlet.

A Map of the Acquidnesset or North Purchase of the Atherton Partners is the title of a pamphlet issued in December by the Society of Colonial Wars in the State of Rhode Island.

Sheffield, Daggett and Allied Families is an illustrated volume of 273 pages, issued by the American Historical Society.

A biography of John Underhill by Henry C. Shelley contains several references to colonial Rhode Island.

The Journal of American History for 1932 contains an article on The Rock-Inscriptions of New England — Miguel Cortereal in Massachusetts, 1511, by Edmund Burke Delabarre.

Kingston Congregational Church, History, By-Laws, Membership is a pamphlet of 20 pages issued in Novem- ber 1932.

Volume III of Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade in America by Elizabeth Donnan, which has just been published by the Carnegie Institution, contains 553 pages, of which 296 pages relate to the Rhode Island slave trade.

NEW PUBLICATIONS OF R. I. INTEREST 63

The Official Gazetteer of Rhode Island is a pamphlet of 95 pages recently issued by the United States Geographic Board.

Supplement to Ralph Earle and His Descendants is a pamphlet of 12 pages by Amos Earle Voorhies, printed at Grants Pass, Oregon.

House and Garden for December 1932 contains an article by Walter A. Dyer on Old Tavern Signs, illustrated with pictures of signs exhibited some years ago at the loan exhibition held by the Rhode Island Historical Society.

The New England Historical and Genealogical Register for January 1933 contains several important genealogical articles relating to several Rhode Island families, viz: Cranston, Fiske, Chase, Ginnedo and Mowry.

Notes

Mrs. Murray S. Danforth presented to the Society a manuscript music book containing compositions by Oliver Shaw, the Rhode Island composer, in his own hand writing.

Miss Theodora Wilbour of New York presented to the Society a collection of one hundred and eighty-nine pieces of early glassware as a memorial in honor of her sister, Zoe Wilbour.

The following persons have been elected to membership in the Society:

Prof. Will S. Taylor Rev. William Worthington

Mrs. Earl C. Hart Miss Anna Jones Dyer

Survey of Old Rhode Island Houses

Old Houses in the South County of Rhode Island, Part I, compiled by the Society of Colonial Dames in the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, and printed by the Merrymount Press, contains 93 photographs, with de- scriptive and historic notes, of the exterior and the interior

64 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of 53 houses built prior to 1830, situated in the southern portion of the present Washington County ; together with an introduction by William Davis Miller, South County Notes by Mrs. William B. Weeden, a map of the Petta- quamscutt Purchase and two maps by Norman M. Isham showing the location of the houses described, together with the sites of houses long demolished.

This pictorial and written record of social conditions and architectural development of the early days of this portion of the State is of inestimable value both to the student and to those interested in the colonial period of Rhode Island. It is to be hoped that the subsequent volumes, covering the remainder of the South County and other portions of the State, will be published in the not far distant future, so that an authoritative and comprehensive record of our early houses may be accessible to future generations, when land marks of today will be but historic record. The Society of Colonial Dames is to be congratulated for this book, the first published evidence of the exhaustive survey it has undertaken.

Glocester, R. I.

By Howard M. Chapin

The question is often asked why Glocester, R. I., is spelled without the "u," while Gloucester, in England and in Massachusetts, is spelled with the "u." In the seven- teenth and eighteenth centuries spelling was not as crystal- lized in form as it is today, and it was not only customary but proper to spell many proper names in more than one way.

In the Index V Maris written by Mr. Adams of the Inner- Temple and printed in London in 1680 the County of Glocester, the city of Glocester, Glocester Hall in Oxford and Glocester in Northumberland, all in England, were spelled without the "u."

GLOCESTER, R. I. 65

Five pamphlets written by Josiah Tucker, Dean of Glocester and printed at Glocester, England, between 1775 and 1 783 give the spelling without the "u."

In a pamphlet printed in London in 1 740 Gloucester is spelled with the "u," but in a book printed in Glocester, England, in 1 764, the name is spelled without the "u."

William Dugdale, Norroy King of Arms, in his monu- mental work, The Baronage of England, printed in 1675, spelled Glocester without the "u" in his account of the earldom.

In the first quarto edition of Shakespeare's Richard III, which was printed in 1597, Glocester is spelled without the "u."

It will thus be seen that the spelling without the "u" was the preferable spelling in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in England, and that when the spelling with the "u" became fashionable in eighteenth century London, the other spelling persisted for a long time in local usage. When Glocester, R. I., was named in 1730, the spelling without the "u" which was adopted would seem to have had in its favor the weight of the precedence of historical and literary usage and authority.

Rhode Island Historical Society Treasurer's Report

INCOME ACCOUNT FOR YEAR 1932

Receipts

Annual Dues $2,725.00

Dividends and Interest 4 196.29

Newspaper Account 31.50

Rental of Rooms 105.00

State Appropriation 1,500.00

Surplus Income Account ] 30.00

$8,687.79

66 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Expenditures

Binding $ 384.63

Books 629.70

Electric Light and Gas 44.95

Exhibitions 104.92

Expense 1 85.62

Grounds and Building 43.45

Heating 700.00

Insurance 225.00

Publication 460.28

Salaries 5,580.00

Supplies 251.49

Telephone 69.75

Water 8.00

$8,687.79 STATEMENT OF CONDITION, DECEMBER 31, 1932

Assets

Grounds and Building $ 2 5,000.00

Investments:

Bonds

$4,(100. Cedars Rapids M. & P. Co., 5s, 195 3 $3,228.88

3,000. Central Mfg. District 3,000.00

3,000. Cleveland Elec. Ilium. Co., 5s, 1939 ... 2,565.42

4,000. Dominion of Canada, 5s, 1952 4,003.91

1,000. Western Electric Co., 5s, 1944 998.17

4,000. 61 Broadway Bldg., 1st Mtge., 5>^s,

1950 ' 4,000.00

4,000. Minnesota P. & Lt. Co., 1st 5s, 1955 ... 3,930.00 4,000. Monongahela Valley Traction Co., 1st

5s, 1942 ' 3,685.00

2,000. Ohio Power Co., 1st & Ref. 5s, 1952 . 1,974.00

2,000. Narragansett Elec. Co., 5s, 1947 1,980.00

2,000. Shell Union Oil Corp., 5s, 1947 1,979.00

2,000. Koppers Gas & Coke Co., 5s, 1947 1,962.50

1,000. Indianapolis Power & Lt., 1st 5s, 1957 994.50 1,000. Texas Pwr. & Lt., 1st Ref. 5s, 1956 1,021.2 5 1,000. Pennsylvania R. R., Deb. 4>^s, 1970 922.5 0

1,000. Pennsylvania Water & Power Co., 1st

5s, 1940 1,005.42

TREASURER S REPORT 67

Stoc

KS

54 shs. New York Central Railroad Co $3,766.47

125 shs. Pennsylvania Railroad Co 7,638.35

30 shs. Lehigh Valley Railroad Co 2,1 12.50

7 shs. Lehigh Valley Coal Sales Co. 23 5.39

40 shs. Milwaukee Elec. Ry. & Lt. Co., Pfd. ... 3,900.00 64 shs. American Telephone & Telegraph Co. 5,960.05

3 50 shs. Providence Gas Cq 5,755.68

1 5 shs. Providence National Bank )

30 shs. Merchants' National Bank Bldg.} MOO. 00

45 shs. Blackstone Canal National Bank 1,050.00

52 shs. Atchison, Topeka & S.F. Ry. Co., Com. 6,247.85

20 shs. American Power & Light 1,696.50

30 shs. Standard Gas & Electric, 4s, Pfd 1,906.50

3 5 shs. Public Service of N. J., 5s, Pfd. 3,327.63

1 0 shs. Public Service of N. J., 5s, Cum. Pfd. ... 990.00 10 shs. Electric Bond and Share, 5s, Pfd 922.00

84,5 59.47

Cash on hand 4. ^Qg ^5

$113,968.12

Liabilities

Equipment Fund $ 25,000.00

Permanent Endowment Fund:

Samuel M. Noyes $ \ 2,000.00

Henry J. Steere 10,000.00

James H. Bugbee 6,000.00

Charles H. Smith 5 000.00

William H. Potter 3,000.00

Charles W. Parsons 4,000.00

• Esek A. Jillson 2,000.00

John Wilson Smith 1 000.00

William G. Weld 1,000.00

Charles C. Hoskins 1 ,000.00

Charles H. Atwood 1,000.00

Edwin P. Anthony 4,000.00

John F. Street 1,000.00

George L. Shepley 5,000.00

Franklin Lyceum Memorial 734.52

56,734.52

68 RHODK ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Publication Fund:

Robert P. Brown $ 2,000.00

Ira P. Peck 1 ,000.00

William Gammell 1 ,000.00

Albert |. Jones 1,000.00

William Ely 1,000.00

Julia Bullock 500.00

Charles H. Smith 100.00

6,600.00

Life Membership 5,600.00

Book Fund 3,0 1 2.41

Reserve Fund 1 ,098.3 7

Revolving Publication Fund 378.27

Surplus 13,900.87

Surplus Income Account 1 ,643.68

$113,968.12 PRINCIPAL ACCOUNT FOR THE YEAR 1932

Receipts

Commonwealth Edison Company (Paid) $1,099.50

Reserve Fund 1 88.25

Revolving Publication Fund 3 1 2.00

Life Membership 50.00

$1,649.75

Balance January 1, 1932 2,765.89

$4,415.64

Payments

Penn. Water & Power Co., 1st, 5s, 1940 (Purchased) $1,00 5.42

Reserve Fund 1 05.25

Revolving Publication Fund 540.00

$1,650.67 Balance December 31, 1932 2,764.97

$4,415.64 Respectfully submitted,

G. A. Harrington,

Treasurer

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island

Historical Society the sum of

dollars. "

Roger Williams Prlss ^1}*

E. A. Johnson Co.

providence

Rhode Island

Historic aI ^c i e t y Collections

Vol. XXVI

JULY, 1933

No. 3

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Rhode Island Historical Society Building . . Cover

The Touch-Mark of Josiah Keene

by Madelaine R. Brown, M.D. ... 69

Biscuit City

by William Davis Miller .... 72

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 78

Notes 79

A Short History of Jamestown

by W.L.Watson 79

The King Tom House . . . . . 91

Genealogical Notes, (Potter)

by Edward H. West 92

The Westconnaug Purchase

by Theodore G. Foster .... 94

Heraldic Note^

Illustrated by Harold Bowditch ... 98

,,„FV;' '"*£..:

RHODE HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI

JULY, 1933

No. 3

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions of contributors.

The Touch-Mark of Josiah Keenc, Rhode Island Pewterer, 1778 or 9-1868

By Madelaine R. Brown, M.D.

Until the plate described below was located in the autumn of 1932, no example of Josiah Keene's larger touch-mark was known to collectors of American pewter. A pint porringer of the Rhode Island type, marked "I. K.," described and attributed to him in Mr. Myer's "Notes," is now in the Yale University Museum. From Mr. Calder's exhaustive study of Rhode Island pewterers published in 1924 by this quarterly, we know that Keene advertised as pewterer, coppersmith and founder in the Providence Gazette, October 2, 1802. The same author has also reproduced a receipt given William Calder, pewterer, by Josiah Keene in 1817 for seven varieties of moulds, including one for an eight-inch plate and one for a pint porringer.

THE TOUCH-MARK OF JOSIAH KEEXE 71

This SJ/i inch plate, bearing part of Keene's touch, is in such excellent condition that it could have been used very little. It is evident, therefore, that originally this mark was only partially struck. The touch is similar to that of Samuel Hamlin, and from the accompanying illus- tration it will be seen that the S}i inch plate by Gershom Jones was cast in an indentical mould, and that by William Calder probably in the same mould.

TOUCH-MARK OF JOSIAH KEENE

The scarcity of known examples of Keene's pewter to-day may possibly be explained by two facts. First, his touch-mark may have been incompletely struck on much of his ware. Second, as Mr. Laughlin points out in the article on Keene from the manuscript of his projected book on American pewter, which he has kindly sent me, Josiah Keene was essentially a coppersmith and brass founder, making pewter only in the first few years of his business life, and finally selling his moulds in 1817.

72 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Biscuit City

By William Davis Miller

Biscuit City, or Harley's Mill as it is sometimes more accurately but less picturesquely called, has the probable distinction of being the smallest city in the country. The little cluster of houses, never appearing to have exceeded more than six in number exclusive of the mill, grouped about the "Great Spring" and the stream and mill pond fed by its unfailing flow, lies about a mile to the southwest of the village of Kingston.

The origin of the name of this small hamlet is obscure but by tradition, and as recorded by Shepard Tom in his Jonny Cake Papers, it sprang from the imagination of an itinerant vendor, who, upon a visit to the little community, was so impressed by the remarkable number of biscuits being made by the housewives, that he dubbed it by the name it has ever since borne, and by which it is familiarly alluded to by the people of South Kingstown.

The lands upon which Biscuit City stood were in the central portion of that great tract purchased from the Nar- ragansett Sachems by the Pettaquamscutt Purchasers in 1657. They in turn deeded to William Knowles, in 1671, five hundred acres of this Purchase, which included the lands under consideration. The Knowles family retained possession until 12 April 1738 when Henry Knowles sold two hundred acres to Col. Elisha Reynolds, merchant of Little Rest. The following year Reynolds purchased an additional four hundred acres from Henry Knowles, apparently the remainder of Knowles lands in that vicinity. It would appear that this last purchase, made 12 March 1 739, included the spring and stream. In this deed there is mention of a house but no mention of a mill, the house being probably that, the ruins of which still remain, situated a short distance to the northwest of the mill site.

BISCUIT CITY 73

On 18 August 1788 Elisha Reynolds sold sixteen acres and twenty-eight rods to John Larkin. This would seem to be the beginning of the mercantile era of the "City," for while the deed mentions "a dwelling house there on stand- ing," mentions the "Great Spring at the head of the Mill Pond," and gives to Larkin right to "open the brook that comes from Samuel Tefts land across sd grantors land" no direct mention is made of a mill. However when, on 25 May 1795, Larkin sold these lands to John Taylor Nichols, the saddler of Little Rest, whose shop adjoined the old Bank in the village, the land is described as "with a dwelling house and a Grist Mill thereon standing." Larkin bought an additional four acres adjoining his land on the east from Elisha Reynolds in 1 79 1 .

Nichols operated the mill less than two years selling out to Jonathan .Babcock, "Schoolmaster alias Yoeman," on 21 February 1797. Nichols, however, retained the upper portion of the mill pond and the "Great Spring" but bound himself "Not to alter the course or Stop the water which Runs from the great Spring into the Mill Pond and all other water Courses which Vent it Selfe into Said Pond and to Drownd as much of the land which Belongs to Said Nichols as May happen at any Uncommon Rise of Water in Said Mill Pond from Freshets or otherwise." This upper portion of the land, ten acres, Nichols sold to Elisha Reynolds Potter in 1801 who in turn, six years later, sold two acres to Babcock.

In 1808, Biscuit City reached the height of its activity and was to achieve additional distinction. On the sixteenth of March of that year, Jonathan Babcock, having laid aside his title of "School Master" and styling himself "Miller," sold four and one-half acres and twenty-five rods of his land, excluding his home, the old house mentioned in the earlier deeds, to "The President, Directors and Company of South Kingstown Cotton Manufactury," said to be the first company to be organized in the United States for the manufacture of cotton cloth. The deed recites the officers

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w Yi	-*	. ' r "5
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BISCUIT CITY 75

as follows: "James Helme President, Rowland Hazard, James Shearman, Cyrus French, William Peckham."

The old approach to Biscuit City and the mill was by a right of way across the lands of Elisha Reynolds, later in possession of Elisha Reynolds Potter, at the western foot of Little Rest Hill, leaving the road to the present West Kingston at a point adjacent to where that road crosses Whitehorn Brook. In "1809, Potter deeded "the copart- ners & proprietors of the Cotton Factory" a piece of land to be "used and occupied as a road or public highway across the lands of the grantor" the consideration being that the Company release the old right of way to Potter. This road was laid out and is the present approach to Biscuit City. This deed is of interest as it gives a more complete list of those interested in the South Kingstown Cotton Manu- factury ( alias The Cotton Factory, alias the Narragansett Cotton Manufacturing Company): "Levi Bradford, Hezekial Babcock, Jonathan Babcock, John G. Clarke, Cyrus French, Elisha R. Gardner, Benjn Greene, Row- land Hazard, James Helme, Joseph M. Knowles, Robert Knowles, Geo Hazard, John T. Nichols, Wm. Nichols, Wm. Peckham, Wm. Peckham, Jr., James Sherman, John R. Sherman, John Segar, Chr. Robinson, Borden Rathbun, Benj" Wright, Elisha Watson, Jr., Jos. Reynolds, Benjn Congdon & John C. Helme being the copartners & proprietors — "

For eleven years the Cotton Factory, to use the shortest of the several names, would appear to have continued operation with diminishing success, and then sold, on 2 January 1819, the land it had received from Babcock to Rouse C. Clarke, Jr., of Richmond "with a large building thereon with water wheels & other wheels & gear viz: all the geer that is immediately connected with the wheels, two dwelling homes & other out buildings." The consideration the Company received would seem indicative of their financial condition. It was "the sum of two thousand dol-

76

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

^

biscuit city yy

lars paid the cashier of the Narragansett Bank to our use being part of the debt due to sd Bank from sd Company." After the sale to Clarke the land transfers became com- plicated and the lands were divided into small holdings, causing one amusing situation wherein Clarke in 1820 owned the door yeard of the old house still occupied, apparently, by Jonathan Babcock. This was restored to Babcock, however, in 1^24 by formal deed duly recorded. Clarke operated the old mill not for textiles but for the manufacture of carriages and wagons. He sold out to Asa Potter on 10 June 1 829, having previously sold some of the land to Elisha Reynolds Potter, who owned the land sur- rounding the "City." Clarke deeded "lock, stock and barrel" for the deed lists a remarkable number of car- nages and wagons, completed and unfinished, together with the tools and gear necessary to their manufacture.

On 1 1 November 1830 Asa Potter sold the Mill prop- erty by auction, the successful bidders being Solomon S. Harley and George C. Clarke. Harley operated the mill as a grist mill for many years and on 23 May 1866 the land, "with a grist mill — formerly known as the Narragan- sett Factory," having come to John Henry Wells and his wife, partly by inheritance, partly by purchase and partly by exchange, was conveyed to Judge Elisha Reynolds Potter, great grandson of Elisha Reynolds, who had pur- chased it over a hundred years before. It remained in the Potter family until recently when the "Great Spring" was utilized as an auxiliary source to the water supply for the village of Kingston and the lands immediately adjacent were acquired by a Company formed for this purpose.

With the old mill and the Jonathan Babcock house in ruins, with only two of the other houses standing and with the "Great Spring" diverted to other uses, Biscuit City is now but a name and a memory.

78 RHODE ISLAND H ISTORICAL SOCIETY

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest

History and Genealogy of the Ancestors and Some Descendants of Stukely Westcott by Roscoe L. Whitman is a volume of 435 pages, published by the Otsego Pub. Co., Oneonta, N. V.

The Bulletin of the Newport Historical Society for April 1933, contains the translation of several letters and papers relating to the French forces in Rhode Island during the Revolution and also an account of P. F. Little, the Little Compton printer.

Negroes on the Island of Rhode Island by Charles A. Battle is a pamphlet of 38 pages published at Newport, in 1932.

Obadiali Holmes, Ancestor and Prototype of Abraham Lincoln by Rev. Wilbur Nelson is a pamphlet of 20 pages printed at Newport, in 1932.

Letter of Instructions to the Captain and the Supercargo of the Brig "Agenoria" Engaged in a Trading Voyage to Africa, in 1 832 and 1 833, with other papers connected with the voyage, is a pamphlet of 46 pages privately printed for Howard Greene of Milwaukee, and Arnold G. Talbot of Philadelphia. The Agenoria was a Providence vessel.

The Mariner for January 1933, contains the articles of agreement for the building of a ship at Warren, R. I., in 1747.

The Letters of Eleazar IV heel or/As Indians} published by Dartmouth College, contains over thirty pages of letters written by Narragansett Indians from 1765 to 1778.

Antiques for April 1933, contains an illustrated article by Ruel P. Tolman on Other Malhone Miniatures.

Historic Newport is an attractive and interesting illus- trated booklet recently issued by the Newport Chamber of Commerce.

NEW PUBLICATIONS OF R. I. INTEREST 79

Volume 1 of Richmond Family Records by Henry I. Richmond, M.A., Sc.B., of Little Compton, R. I., has just been published by Adlard & Son, London. It is a volume of 232 pages dealing in exhaustive detail with the Richmonds of Maryland, Virginia, New England, Ireland, and Somer- set, England. Mr. Richmond has devoted many years to research relating to the Richmond family.

The May 1933 Bulletin of the Business Historical So- ciety contains some letters of Samuel Slater, and a letter to Moses Lopez of Newport in regard to the manufacture of potash.

Notes

The following persons have been elected to member- ship in the Society:

Mrs! A. L. Grant Mrs. George E. Downing

Capt. Ernest H. Brownell Mrs. Alden L. Littlefleld

Mr. Horace M. Peck

A Short History of Jamestown By W. L. Watson

{Continued front page 59)

In the records of the Newport Meeting for the 24th of the 6th month 1 788, it is stated that the money raised for building a new meeting house was not sufficient and it was voted that £7-1 1-5 pence be paid out of the general treas- ury. It is thus conclusive that the new meeting house, which is the one now standing, was built in 1786 or 1787. And so we have the records of the building which is now standing and which, during the summer months, is still opened for "Quaker Meeting."

80 RHODE [SLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

So firmly was Quakerism established on the island that, for a period of 132 years after the first meeting house was built, no other religious sect had a place of worship, al- though Dr. McSparron made frequent visits and held services of the Church of England in private residences, particularly those of Capt. Paine, Bro. Arnold and Mr. Martin.

After holding services in the old North School House for some time the first Baptist Society built their meeting- house in 1 841 -2, and an agreement appears on their records whereby they allowed the Seventh Day Baptists to use it. This little meeting house still stands on the North Road just south of Carr's Lane. The church on Narragansett Avenue, which is now used, was built in 1891, by the Central Baptist Society.

In 1836 there was only "one person on the island in communication with the F,piscopal Church." In 1837 the parish was admitted to the Fpiscopal Union. The Rev. Edward Way land was the first minister. In 1878 Rev. Dr. Magill of Trinity Church, Newport, took it as a mission and in 1896 it became an independent congregation.

In 1890 the Roman Catholic Church celebrated its first mass at the Thorndyke Hotel. For fourteen years the parish was continued as a mission of St. Mary's Church, Newport. In 1 900 it was established as a permanent parish.

But now we must retrace our steps somewhat. In sketch- ing the various activities and growth of the town, it has undoubted]}" been noticed that every one of them suffered by the Revolutionary War. This was the most critical as well as the most disastrous period in the town's history.

From 1730 to just before the war, it must be remem- bered, Newport was at the height of its prosperity, sur- passing New York as a commercial center. Over 200 vessels were engaged in foreign trade and over 400 coasting vessels sailed from this harbor as well as a regular line of packets to London. Thousands of seamen thronged the docks, warehouses were overflowing, there were 1 7 manufacturers

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 81

alone of sperm oil and candles, vast fortunes were made in the slave trade and the distilling of rum, and ship yards were scattered all along the shores of the bay. Wealth was abundant and prosperity every man's portion. Jamestown could not help but share in this general condition and was alert to better her condition, as is shown in the following vote of the town meeting of December 26, 1767.

"It is voted that the Hon. Josiah Arnold Esq. William Hazard Esq. Oliver Hull Esq. Mr. Daniel Weeden, Mr. John Weeden, Capt. John Eldred, Capt John Gardner, & Mr. John Remington or the major part of them, be, & they hereby are apointed a committee to consider of the most Salutary measures to be Recommended to this town, for incouraging Industry, frugality, & the Manufactures of this colony, as well to Discour- age the use of British & foreign Manufactures and Superfluities imported from abroad; & that they make Report of their procedings to this meeting which stands adjourned to the third Tuesday of January next."

Here we also have a public expression of dissatisfaction over British authority. Jamestown was surrounded by ship- ping.- High import taxes, particularly on molasses, had made smuggling a common practice. Encounters between trading vessels and British excise vessels were frequent. Respect for British enforcement of law was at a low ebb. Slowly but surely the undercurrents of resistance were con- verging into a mighty stream.

On February 10, 1774, the records read:

"Considering the Greate importance in Preserving to ourselves & Pos- terity our Indubitable & Inherent Rights do Vote and it is Voted and Resolved by this Meeting that for preventing any tea subject to a duty sent out by the East India Company being Landed in this town, we do Willingly and heartily Join in the s'd Resolves Containing N.N. nine, and to the utmost of our power will stand by and Support our Brethren in this and the sister Colony's in all such Just and Laudable Measures as may preserve to us our Just Rights and priveledges as Englishmen."

Then on October 16, 1775, it was voted:

"That a Watch be set and kept in this town till further Orders fron the town from Six O'Clock in the evening till Sun rise the Next morning that the watch be set and kept from Eldreds Northward Round the Point & if necessarv to keep also a strict On the Western Shore from the Point as far down as Opposite s'd Eldgedges Shore."

82 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Then again, fearing serious disaster, it was voted on October 21, 1775, "that the Records of this town be kept in North Kingstown where they now are or in some Other Secure place as the Town Clerk or Council Clerk Shall Think Proper, untill further Order from the town."

Narragansett Bay, with its large amount of shipping, had always been a focal point for the British Revenue ships. In 1769 the armed sloop Liberty was sent to Newport from Boston, to enforce the revenue laws. She seized a Connecticut brig and a sloop and brought them into New- port. The indignant citizens managed, by a subterfuge, to get all the Liberty's men ashore and then someone went out and cut her cable. She drifted ashore and was later struck by lightning and consumed by fire. In 1772 the Gaspee was destroyed. These revenue vessels were a fa- miliar sight from Jamestown and were the reason for establishing the night patrol. The men of the patrol did not always use discretion and occasionally took pot shots at these vessels. So, also, did Capt. John Eldred. The story- is told by Field in "Revolutionerv Defences of Rhode Island."

"During the Revolution, there lived, on the Eldred Farm, on the east side of Conanicut, Captain John Eldred, a patriot of the purest type. On his land there were two great rocks overlooking the water from a com- manding position. Here Captain Eldred planted one of the guns taken from the fort on the island (the battery where Fort Dumpling later stood) . From time to time, the patriotic old farmer would amuse himself by firing a shot at the British vessels as they passed up and down the East Passage. One day, he was fortunate enough to put a shot through the mainsail of one of the enemy's ships. This little pleasantry on the part of Farmer Eldred was not relished by the Britisher. A boat was lowered and a force sent ashore to dislodge the company, which, it was supposed, occupied the station, and spike the gun. Upon seeing the boat lowered, Mr. Eldred quicklv hid himself in the swamp at the far end of his farm, and when the boat's party arrived on the spot, nothing was found but the gun mounted between the rocks. This they spiked, and the company they expected to capture had vanished as completely as though swallowed up In the earth. This was Eldred's one gun battery."

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 83

(The Jamestown Chapter of the D. A. R. is named the "John Eldred Chapter," and a few years ago placed a tablet on one of the rocks. )

Whether it was because of this or out of pure wanton- ness, on December 1 1, 1775, the British landed 200 men on the island and proceeded to destroy the village. The account is given in the diary of Ezra Stiles, a minister of Newport.

"Dec. 10, 1775. This morning we were awakened with the conflagra- tion of Jamestown on Conanicut. An awful sight! . The bomb brigg and several Tenders full of marines went over last night, and about v o'clock or a little before day landed and set fire to the Houses. The men continued ravaging and burning 'till about Noon and returned.

"Dec. 11, 1775. About 1 o'clock vesterday morning a Bomb Brig, 1 schooner, & 2 or 3 armed sloops went to Conanicott & landed upward of Two hundred Marines Sailors &Negroes at the E. Ferrv and marched in three divisions over to the W. Ferry, & set the several houses on fire there, then retreated back sett fire to almost every house on each side of the road, & several Houses and Barns some distance on the N. & S. side of the Rode, driving out Women & Children etc.

Houses Burnt & Lost Widow Hull 1 house

Jos. Clarke, Esq. 2 houses & 1 Barn

Thos. Fowler 1 house& 1 Crib

Ben. Ellery 2houses & 1 Store

Benj. Remington 2 houses

Jno. Gardiner --2 houses & 1 Tanvard

Gov. Hutchinson 1 house

Wm. Franklin 2 houses

Abel Franklin 1 house

Bend. Robinson 1 house

1 5 Dwellings

A Company of Minute Men had left Conanicut the Aft. before so that there were but 40 or 50 soldiers on the Island, of which 22 were well equipped. At the Cross Rodes there was a Skirmish our pple killed one Officer of Marines and wounded 7 or 8. Not one Colonist was killed or hurt in the Skirmish. The Kings forces fired on Mr. Jno. Martin aet 80 standing at his Door and wounded him Badly. Mr. Fowler had about 30 Head Cattle: these the Regulars carried off and perhaps a dozen Head more, about 30 Sheep & as many Turkevs, & some Hogs, Beds, Furniture

84 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and other plunder. They returned on hoard at X or XI o'clock & came to this Harbor aboul Noon.

'The Alarm spread,& 1 an told there are this day Three hundred Men on Conanicutt l\ Eight hundred upon the Island. The Town in great Consternation.

An account also appeared in the Providence Gazette, December 16, 1775, under the heading "The Burning of Jamestown," as follows:

"Sunday morning last, the bomb brig, a schooner, and two or three armed sloops left the harbor of Newport and landed about two hundred marines, sailors and Negroes on the Ferry on the east side of Conanicut, from whence they immediately marched across in three divisions to the West Ferrv, and after burning all the houses near the Ferry-Place, re- turned towards their vessels, setting tire to almost every house on each side of the road, from the West to the Fast Ferry, and several houses and hams some distance on the North and South side of the road, driving out the women and children, swearing they should be burnt in the houses, if they did not instantly turn out. Captain Wallace commanded. Mr. John Martin, standing unarmed in his own door, was shot. Fifty cows and six oxen, a few sheep and hogs were taken. All were plundered of beds, wear- ing apparel and household furniture. They left Conanicut the same morn- ing and got back to Newport at Noon."

Every house in the village was destroyed. They confined themselves to the village, however, so the farm houses at the north were saved. General Washington, in a letter written at Cambridge, speaks of "the barbarity of Capt. Wallace on Conanicut Island."

In the spring of 1 776 Capt. Wallace and his fleet with- drew from the bay. But for only a short period was this territory to be unmolested. On December 7, 1776, Job Watson, from his watch tower on Tower Hill, saw a large squadron of war vessels coming toward the entrance of Narragansett Bay. They sailed up the west passage, around the north end of the island and anchored along the shores of the Island of Rhode Island, from Portsmouth to New- port Harbor. Eight to ten thousand British and Hessian troops landed and took possession of Newport, and, once again, this little colony on Jamestown was in a desperate

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 85

plight. Out of a population of over 600 in 1 774, but a little over three hundred remained.

But now there was a demand for men for the army. On September 24, 1776, two men were sent from the island. On November 21, 1776, the General Assembly made a levy of 6 men out of every 100 male inhabitants. The following entry in the town records, December 3, 1776, gives a vivid picture of their condition:

"This Meeting being Conven'd in Obedience to an Act of the Genera] Assembly held at East Greenwich 21 of Nov. 1776, for Raising Six men out of every Hundred of the Male Inhabitants as last Estimated in this town to be sent to the Island of Rhode Island in ten days after the Rising of s'd Assembly to assist in Defending the s'd Island against the Minis- terial fleets and armies now at war against the free and Independent States of America. This town Meeting as freemen being Met & Considering their Depopulated Distressed and Defenceless condition toward the Rais- ing Equiping and sending forward s'd men agreeable to said act do at this time Most sensebly regret and find that 'tis out of the power of the town to Raise the Men Required by s'd Act but at the same time are Willing & Desirous to be aiding & assisting in the Defence of Rhode Island, for that Purpose will endeavour to Inlist the six men Required of this town by s'd act equip & send then forward for the Common Defence Speedily as mav be agreeable to said act. but if the town in their Now most Calammitous & Distressed Situation find it out of their power to raise s'd men they humbly hope the fine for not Raising Equiping & sending them forward agreeable to s'd act may not be Exacted on the Inhabitants of the town."

As soon as the British started to plan their intrenchments in and around Newport, it was seen it would be necessary to occupy Conanicut so that adequate protection might be obtained on the west. The American forces could assemble in Narragansett on the main land and cross over to Conani- cut unmolested. From there they would command the east as well as the west passage to Narragansett Bay and it would be but a short distance to Newport. To prevent this possibil- ity the 54th British Regiment was detailed to occupy the redoubt on the west side of the island (Fox Hill) about two miles north of the light-house (Beaver Tail), which they noted upon entering the bay, had been abandoned by the Americans. War vessels were anchored along the west

86 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

coast of the island and also between Conanicut and Prudence Island.

As a further protection a redoubt was erected north east of the narrow beach between Mackerel Cove and Sheffield's Pond. At this redoubt barracks to accommodate 50 men and officers were built. Still another redoubt or fort was erected later at the Dumplings which commanded the east passage. These fortifications were fully equipped with cannon, and a detachment of troops, frequently Hessians, were stationed there. At one time two battalions were stationed on the south end of the island at Beaver Tail, but no evidence has been found that any fortifications were ever erected there.

On December 9, 1 777, a detachment of 50 men was sta- tioned on the island to cut wood for the troops in Newport. A transport was anchored near the ferry. Here the troops slept and when landing in the morning they were ordered to take their arms with them. This work continued until every tree available for fire wood had been cut down.

In July, 1778, word was received that the French fleet had set out for Newport to join the American forces in an attack on the British Army entrenched at Newport. All the fortifications on Conanicut were strengthened and more men stationed there. On July 29th, the French fleet ap- peared off the entrance to the bay. Had they immediately landed forces on Conanicut they could have captured the entire British force stationed there, but instead, they re- mained at anchor off Beaver Tail for several days. In the meantime the British withdrew their troops and the evacua- tion was so precipitate that they spiked the cannon at Fox Hill and those at the Dumplings, two 24 pounders, were thrown down the rocks into the sea.

The delay of the French was fatal. While they were still anchored off shore word was received that a British fleet had sailed from New York. They soon appeared and the French fleet immediately set all sail after them. Both fleets quickly passed out of sight beyond the horizon. A severe storm arose and the vessels became separated, all

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 87

being badly damaged by the wind and waves. No decisive encounter occurred, and after several days a badly crippled French fleet appeared in the harbor, but they soon set sail for Boston to repair the damage done by the storm. In the meantime the attack on Newport from the north by the Americans failed and the British again were in unchal- lenged possession of the town. Troops were again stationed at the fortifications on Conanicut.

To give a comprehensive account of the part Jamestown took in this period it would be necessary to follow the move- ments of the American British and French forces. This space forbids, but the foregoing gives an idea of the strate- gic position of the island.

After having occupied the island for four years the Brit- ish departed in 1779. The following winter was the most severe ever experienced. So impoverished were the inhabi- tants, they were compelled to call for outside assistance.

In July of the following year the French fleet, under Admiral de Ternay came to Newport. The poverty- stricken people did their best to make their stay pleasant, but even with them there was source of complaint, as is shown in the following entry in the town records for August 19, 1780:

"It is Voted that Messrs. Benjamin Underwood, John Gardner, John Weeden, Benjamin Remington, George Tew, & John Howland be a committee and Prepare an Address to their Excellencies the Count de Rochambeau and the Chavilier de Ternev commander of his most Chris- tian majesties fleet in the harbour of Newport. Praying that the people under his command might not be Permitted to come on shore without some Good and Known officer over them in order to Restrain them from Committing Damage or offering any injury or insult to the Good and Peaceable People of this town."

And on June 29, 1 78 1 , it was necessary to make another complaint as follows:

Jamestown at a town Meeting called and held in the said town.

June 29, A. D. 1781 "Whereas it is represented to this meeting that the Sailors belonging to his most Christian Majesties fleet in the harbor of Newport, and those in

88 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the hospitals in this town, frequently pass through the Meadows and fields of Grain in the daytime, & in the Night Season are Patroling the town throwing their fences & Walls down by which some of the Inhabitants has received Greate Damage & more is likely to insue if not speedily prevented.

It is Therefore Voted that Benjamin Underwood ix John Weeden be appointed to prepare a Remonstrance petition or address to the Admiral & General of the french Troop in the Land and Sea Service in behalf of the town Praving that their Troops may be Restrained and Prevented from passing through the lands and fields of Grain, throwing their Walls and fences down or Doing Damage to the Good and Wholesome People of the town: and that Aaron Sheffield be desired to Present the address to the Admiral and General of the French Army and Navy."

After seven years of conflict the war was drawing to a close. The French forces were to leave Newport and co-operate with Lafayette in the south. General Washing- ton desired to confer with the French Admiral and also to witness the departure. He left his camp near New York City, came up the old Indian trail through Connecticut to South Ferry where he took the old sailboat ferry to James- town, landing on the west shore of the island at about the same place as the ferry now lands, in the early afternoon of March sixth. Crossing the island he was met by the French officers at the East Ferry, where the admiral's barge was awaiting to convey him to the French war vessel "Due de Bourgoyne," where he was received by Count Rochambeau.

In commemoration of this visit of our greatest citizen, the local chapter of the I). A. R., during the Washington Celebration last summer, placed a marker on the road, which will be a reminder to all those now driving from ferry to ferry that they are traveling the same road that General Washington took when he crossed the island.

On October 19, 1781, Cornwallis surrendered at York- town, and the war was over. During these years of conflict there was a common purpose which bound the people together, and there were few indeed who, either directly or indirectly, had not taken a part in this struggle. But now each person, each family, each community began to think of their own condition. The spirit of nationalism disap-

A SHORT HISTORY OF JAMESTOWN 89

peared with the British armies. The immediate struggle for a livelihood was the great concern of all. There were the few years of prosperous activity which always follow a great war, but these were followed by a great financial panic. Taxes were exorbitant and general conditions so bad that thousands of farmers deserted their farms to start over again in a new locality. The great movement to "go west" had started. *

But no matter what the conditions were throughout the country, Jamestown could have been no worse off than it was, for Jamestown was not only ruined, it was practically depopulated. Those who remained were farmers and their only hope for a living was to get it out of the ground. This they resolutely set out to do. Sheep provided meat and wool, spinning wheels were always humming making yarn, the hand looms wove blankets and the cloth which was cut up and made into clothes. They also grew flax and wove their own linens. Pigs provided hams, which were smoked with corn-cobs and cured by hand, sausage, lard and mince pies j apples were cut up and dried and also made into cider ; geese provided meat and feathers for feather beds. The milk house of an average farm in early winter would reveal a side or two of beef and mutton, many bags of sausage, tubs of butter and lard, bags of dried apples and a hundred or more mince pies which, with the potatoes, turnips, car- rots, cabbages and the barrel of cider in the cellar, had to carry them through the winter. All the cooking was done in an open fireplace or the brick oven, and sweeping was done with turkey wings. The men spent their days cultivating the fields, raising and harvesting the crops, tending the cattle and chopping wood. The women prepared the meals, tended the house, wove cloth, knitted stockings, made clothes and found time to make samplers and do embroid- ery. The evenings were illuminated by candles dipped or moulded of mutton fat.

The farm seemed to provide everything except boots and shoes. The itinerant shoe maker made his yearly visits and

90 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

stayed at the house while making the shoes. The following bill covering one such visit is worthy of preservation:

To making your boots $2.00

To soling Mary .34

To making your youngest .29

To mending black girl . 1 6

To mending your son .2 1

To mending your wife .06

Such was the life on the average Jamestown farm for four generations after the Revolutionary War. The only market for farm produce was Newport, so as Newport prospered, Jamestown had a little more real money with which to buy things.

The next activity came with the Civil War. At this time the 3rd Rhode Island Cavalry was encamped on the island and barracks were built. After the war these were sold, and A. Crawford Greene, of Providence, purchased one which he used for a summer residence. In this humble way did Jamestown start as a summer resort. Gradually others came. Among the first from afar were several Quaker fam- ilies from Philadelphia. Today, aside from a few farms at the north and south ends of the island, Jamestown is a summer resort. There are several hotels which provide for those who prefer hotel life; cottages, large or small, can be rented for the season; and there are many beautiful resi- dences which have been built by those who are permanent summer residents.

In the main the history of Jamestown follows the history of New England, but it is the little things in life that make for individuality, and so we find the intimate history of Jamestown possessing an allurement all of its own.

(In printing this article, I wish to express my indebtedness to Miss Lena Clarke, of famestown, for her untiring efforts in searching and copying the original records.)

THE KING TOM HOUSE

Courtesy of Mr. J. H. Richardson

When the Society of the Colonial Dames published Old Houses in the South County of Rhode Island, no photograph of the King Tom house was located. Since then Mr. Richardson has kindly contributed the photograph which is printed above.

92 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Genealogical Notes

By Edward H. West {Continued from page 6) )

WILLIAM POTTER

Since my discovery of Ann (Talman) Brayton's mar- riage to William Potter, I have been searching out facts about William Potter and find that the Durfee book and Austin are both wrong, as there was but one William Potter.

Austin gives two William Potters, one the husband of

Talman, the other the husband of Ann Durfee. He

presumes that Ann Potter was the daughter of Thomas Durfee, as he left her a legacy.

In the will of Thomas Durfee, he calls his children either son or daughter, but does not call Ann Potter daughter. One must not forget that Thomas Durfee and Ann Talman, the mother of Ann Durfee, were at least very great friends, so he probably remembered Ann Potter as a favorite of his.

Austin also says that William and Ann ( Durfee ) Potter sold land in 1697 to William Burrington and in 1720 he deeded to William Potter, Jr., all his land in Portsmouth.

Let us see what the Land Evidence Book really says.

The first deed will not tell us anything as it was some land that was granted to William Potter in 1694. In March 1703-4 William and Ann Potter mortgaged to Isaac Lawton the land that had belonged to Stephen Bray- ton, dec, the first husband of Ann Talman. In 1713-4 William and Ann Potter quitclaimed to their son and son- in-law, Stephen Brayton, the above mentioned land.

In 1707, Preserved Brayton sold to William Potter the land that had been granted to Ann Potter, his mother, for him, then a minor, in 1694. This was the 12 acres that William Potter sold to William Potter, fr., in 1 720.

GENEALOGICAL NOTES 93

In 1721, William Potter, mariner, and wife, Prudence Potter, mortgaged this same 12 acres to the Colony. In 1727, William Potter, mariner, and wife, Prudence, sold this same land to William Earl.

In the original vital records, not the printed ones, is ^written: "Nathaniel Potter ( the son of William Potter and Ann his wife ) was married to Ruth Manchester ( the daughter of Stephen Manchester and Elizabeth his wife) by William Coggeshall Ass't. 1712."

"The births of the children of the above said Nathaniel Potter and Ruth his wife: — Elizabeth Potter born 2 May 1 713 j Ruth Potter born 1 4 October 1715."

"William Potter ( son of the above said William Potter and Ann his wife ) was born 1 1 March 1 696."

The Durfee Book mentions the wills of John Fish and his wife Joanna, recorded in 1 742 and 1 744, in which men- tion is made of their daughter, Mary, the wife of William Potter. These wills are not recorded in Portsmouth.

The marriage of William Potter and Prudence is

not recorded either. As he was a mariner, he may have married her in some port at which he touched and brought her to Portsmouth.

Who the Prudence Potter was that married John Williams of Stonington, Conn., (Original Record) I have not yet been able to discover.

An Unrecorded Marriage.

"William Hall & Benjamin Hall of Portsmouth

Testifyeth that at or about the 20th Day of August

1748, they were Present at the house of the sd

William Hall at Portsmouth, when Benjamin Turner, then a Resident of Newport and a native of Great Britain, was married unto Rebecca Tallman of Tiverton by Ben- jamin Tucker Esq. then an Assistant .

The above Deposition was Sworn too before me this 5 Day of August 1 783." John Thurston, J.P.

(Town Council Records, VII - 55.)

(>4 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The Minutes of the Westconnaug Purchase

Transcribed by Theodore G. Foster {Continued from fage 36)

At a Meeting of the Committee and Proprietors at War- wick July 1 4th 1715 Whereas Thomas Field was admitted a Share in Westquanaug at a Proprietors Meeting at Kingston the 20th of February 1706/7 but he not then accepting the said Admittance and not paying his proportion of the Charge that hath accrued We declare the said Grant to be void . . . Notwithstanding for some particular Serv- ice he hath done the Proprietors We do now grant him half a Lot joining upon N" 4 he paying his proportionable part of the Charge that hath accrued ... It is agreed forth- with to draw Lots for the First Division from N" 1. to 29 according to the Plat laid before us by Josiah Westcoat Surveyor and the Lot that any Person shall draw the Divi- sion on the Plat being of the same Number with his said Lot shall be his Right and Property to improve as his Real

Estate to him and his Heirs forever —

And it is further Ordered that Such Person as shall draw any of the Numbers 1 to 8 shall have their first choice of the next Division of Lands in Westquanaug the Lot N" 12 to be included: Zachariah Rhodes Lot N" 29 is allowed him as his Fathers share without drawing his Lot all the Rest of the Lands not now called for shall be further Divided among the Proprietors .... ordered by their Trustees

At a Meeting of the Committee & Proprietors of West quanaug at Warwick at the House of Mary Carder July the 14th 1715

Ordered that the Proprietors come to a New Choice of a Committee and Clerk and Treasurer who are Chosen as followeth /Viz/

THE WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 95

COL SAMUEL CRANSTON

Major James Brown Capt Benjamin Ellery

Job Greene Committee

Mayor Joseph Whipple Mr Richard Waterman Major Thomas Fenner Job Greene Clerk and engaged

Major Thomas Fenner Treasurer Voted that the committee shall have full Power to make choice of a Surveyor to lay out the Remaining part of the Purchase of Westquanauge and to proceed in that Affair as soon as may be with convenience and to act and do any other Business that they shall think needful for the Proprietors Interest in the said Purchase

Voted That each whole Share Man shall pay unto Major Thomas Fenner Treasurer Twenty Shillings apiece forth- with towards paying the Charge of Surveying and other incident Charges that may arise about the Premises and each Man claiming a Smaller Share shall pay a proportion- able Part accordingly

Whereas Thomas Weaver of Newport has sold half a Share of Westquanaug without acquainting the Proprietors or Trustees thereof and neglecting to pay his Proportion of the incidental Charges he is directed to pay his Proportion into the Hands of some one of the Trustees before the next Meeting and then make his Acknowledgment and show good Reason for his Breach of Covenant or else his Half Share so Sold is to be forfeited to the Proprietors.

Signed per order Job Greene Clerk1"'"

At a Meeting of the committee of Westquanauge at the House of Mrs. Mary Carder in Warwick October 29th 1717

Ordered That Mr Resolved Waterman is chosen a committee Man in the Room and Place of Mr Joseph

96 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Whipple he having sold all his Interest in said Purchase and Waterman having bought a Share in said Purchase

Providence May 28. 1718 Ordered that Capt Richard Waterman shall be Treasurer in the Room of Major Thomas Fenner Deceased and that he demand and receive the Treasurer Money into his Hand of the Executor for the

Use of the Proprietors

Ordered That Capt Thomas Harris shall be a com- mittee Man in the Place and Room of Major Fenner De- ceased he having purchased Land in said Purchase

At a Meeting of the Committee of Westquanaug at Providence May the 28th 1718.

Having received a Return of the Running and Re- vising of the Lines between Between Providence and West- quanaug and the Colony Line and Warwick Line by the Persons appointed for that Purpose they having made many Remarks in said Lines | illegible] in order for a fur- ther Division whereupon it is jointly agreed on by the com- mittee of the Main Land that there be a Second Division of one Hundred and Fifty Acres at the least to | illegible \ whole share Man and Addition where the Land is mean to make them equal with the best Land The Second Divi- sion to be laid out to the Eastward of the colony Line and it is ordered that Major Job Greene Capt Thomas Harris and Ensign Resolved Waterman shall be overseers to see the Work done and to agree with Josiah Westcoat Sur- veyor to be the principal Surveyor in the Work and to make a Map of it. Also the Trustees are to him sufficient Help to compleat the Work and the whole Charge to be paid by the Proprietors at the Drawing the Lots — And it is further ordered that the Trustees may lay out a Third Division to the Westward of the Colon) Line if they see cause so to do adjoining to said Line

THE WESTCONNAUG PURCHASE 97

Committee

Job Greene

Thomas Harris

Richard Waterman

Resolved Waterman Joshua Winsor is chosen a committee Man in the Room and Stead of Resolved Waterman Deceased

pr Job Greene Clerk16a

At a Meeting of the Proprietors of Westquanaug at the House of Mrs Mary Carder in Warwick November the fourth 1718 . .

There being a Map presented by the Committee of said Westquanaug of a Second Division within the Colony Lines and one Division to the Westward of said Colony Line to each Proprietor: — Ordered to draw Lots of said Second Division according to former Order and also Unan- imously agreed on to draw Lot for to the westward of the Colony Line also both said Divisions were drawn accord- ingly But there arising some Dispute between Nicholas Carr and the Rest of the Grand Children of Gov1' Caleb Carr of Newport Deceased about Carr's Right said Grand Children claiming equal Right with said Nicholas Carr: The Proprietors taking the Matter into Consideration have ordered that Carr's Alotments shall be placed to the original Right of said Gov1' Carr deceased

And it is also ordered that Fones's Lotments be placed in the original Right of capt John Fones Deceased by the free Consent of his Son John Fones — there having been some dispute before the Proprietors about the same by Fones's Son and Grand Children 16b

Ordered Whereas there was a Mistake in Greene's Right in the Second Division That Lotment having no orderly Draft with the Rest notwithstanding N°- 47 was left undrawn for by Reason of the Said Mistake Therefore It is Ordered that Major Job Green may take up the same Number of Acres that is in N°- 47 in any part of the undi- vided Land by Consent of the Committee off the Main Land for himself and Brothers and Richards Daughters if

98 RHODE ISLAM) HISTORICAL SOCIETY

he do not like Number 4-7 and Number 47 to be laid down

to the Proprietors again

p Job Greene Clerk

Advertisement These are to give Notice to all the Proprietors of the Land known by the Name of Westquanaug within the Jurisdic- tion of Scituate"" in the County of Providence in the Col- on)- of Rhode Island &c to meet together on the First Tues- day of July next which will be the second Day of said Month at the House of Mrs Mary Carder in Warwick in said County in order to hear the Proceedings of the Com- mittee in Laying out said Land and to receive from the Surveyor the PLAT of the Several Divisions of said Land and to pay the Several incidental Charges which have ac- crued from the Last Meeting of said Proprietors and to act and Do any other Business that the said Proprietors shall think needful about the Premises

Warwick June the 7th 1 734 By order of the Committee per Mr Job Greene Clerk of said Proprietors

"Joseph Fry of Newport sold to Stephen Eastern of Newport the half part of a share or sixtieth part of the Westquanoag Purchase, May 31, 1716. (R. I. Land Ev. Ill, 243.)

";a()n lime 9, 1718, John Rhodes of Warwick sold to John Turner a half share of the "Westquodnaig11 purchase which was half of a partner- ship "with my uncle Peleg Rhodes." (Prov. Deeds, IV, 72.)

l0bCapt. John Fones in his will Feb. 14, 1703, left one half of his Westconnaug purchase to his son John, and divided the other half between his son Samuel and his grandson Fones Greene. (N. Ki. Wills.)

11 On Feb. 20, 1730-1 the Town of Scituate was incorporated. All of the Westconnaug Purchase that was within Rhode Island was included in Scituate.

Heraldic Notes

MALBONE

Antiques for February 1933, contains an illustration of a si her mug engraved with a coat-of-arms and the words Godfrey Malbone, 1742. This mug is now owned by the

HERALDIC NOTES

99

Reverend Malbone H. Birckhead of Wynnewood, Penna. The arms are an impaled coat, or two bendlets corn-pony gules and ermine for Malbone impaling argent on a jess between three Catherine wheels as many lambs passant, for Scott. The color of the wheels and lambs is not dis- cernible in the illustration.

Silver mug which belonged to Godfrey Malbone of Newport. It is owned by the Rev. Malbone H. Birckhead.

Courtesy of "Antiques"

E. Alfred Jones in Antiques describes the Malbone arms as Or two bendlets gobony ermine and gules and adds that "The arms of Malbone were granted in 1683 to George Malbon of Bradley in the county of Chester." Burke does not give this coat but gives Or two bends gobonated argent and gules. Ormerod in his History of Chester, III, 318, states that the ancient arms of the Malbons of Bradeley Hall, Or two bendlets componi argent and gules "were dis-

100

KHODK ISLAM) H I STORICAL SOCIETY

allowed by Dugdale in the visitation of 1663-4." The change from argent to ermine may have been for difference or more probably someone mistook diapering for ermine and so accidently made a differenced coat. The impaled arms are those of Scott and as Godfrey Malbone married Catherine Scott in 1719, the arms clearly represent this marriage and are the arms of Malbone impaling Scott, which would of course be the arms of Godfrey Malbone, Senior.

SCOTT

The arms of Scott, as engraved on the silver mug, are the same as those of Thomas Scott of Great Barr, in Staf- fordshire, as illustrated on page 299 of the 1 724 edition'1 of Guillim's Display of Heraldry. In the text these arms are given as Argent on a fess gules, cottised azure, three lambs of the first, bet-ween as many katherine-wheels sable, but in the illustration the cottises are omitted. Dr. Bow- ditch suggests that the engraver may have merely turned to Guillim for a Scott coat, found that of Scott of Great Barr, Staffordshire, and then, overlooking the cottises in the description, copied Guillim's wood-cut. He may have shaded the fess for artistic effect.

The Catharine Scott who was married to Godfrey Mal- bone in 1719, was the daughter of John Scott and Eliza- beth Wanton,'"' and so granddaughter'" of John Scott and great-granddaughter of Richard Scott of Providence.

Mm. In edition of 1679. '-'#. /. Hist. Tracts 3, pages 1+ and 17. ^Austin Gen. Diet, of R. /.. pjwjes 21 5, 372 and 373.

Form of Legacy

"/ give and bequeath to the Rhode Island Historical Society the sum of dollars. "

Kix.i-r Williams Press rVJL^

E. A. Johnson Co.

PKOVIDI N< I

Rhode Island

Historical Society Collections

Vol. XXVI

OCTOBER, 1933

No. 4

,' Oct

'***■

COLONEL WILLIAM BARTON S SWORDS

The upper one is the dress sword presented by Congress to Colonel Barton, and the lower one is Colonel Barton's service sword.

These swords were recently f resented to the Society by James A. Barton and George C. Barton, great-great-grandsons of Colonel Barton,

Issued Quarterly

68 Waterman Street, Providence, Rhode Island

CONTENTS

PAGE

Colonel Barton's Swords ..... Cover

Roger Williams

by Michael Freund

translated by James Ernst . . . . 101

Queen's Fort . . . . . . . 133

Notes 133

New Publications of Rhode Island Interest . . 134

Bark Newport . . . . . . 135

Fort Flags . . . . . . . 136

RHODE HISTORICAL

ISLAND

SOCIETY

COLLECTIONS

Vol. XXVI

OCTOBER, 1933

No. 4

William Davis Miller, President Gilbert A. Harrington, Treasurer Howard W. Preston, Secretary Howard M. Chapin, Librarian

The Society assumes no responsibility for the statements or the opinions of contributors.

Roger Williams, Apostle of Complete Religious Liberty

By Michael Freund Translated by James Ernst

With special 'permission of the copyright owner

Translator's Note

In Der Idee Der Toleranz Im England Der Gross en Revolution, published in 1927, Michael Freund presents a painstaking study of the historical development of the idea of toleration in England, and especially its many- sided expressions during the Civil War from 1 642 to 1 648. The study was prepared under the direction of the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Munich, after a year of research in the British Museum, London, and deserves, therefore, more than a passing notice from those interested

102 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

in Roger Williams and his ideas. Freund gives Williams a place of importance second to none of the twenty-four Englishmen, from Sir Thomas More to Sir Henry Vane, whose writings are analyzed and whose philosophy of toleration is critically examined. Only the poet John Milton is given a greater number of pages in a discussion of his ideas of toleration, than are given to Williams ; while such famous political thinkers as John Goodwin, Dr. Owen, James Harrington and Sir Henry Vane are accorded fewer pages each than are devoted to him.

This original and highly provocative analysis of the ideas of Williams on toleration and religious liberty must, however, be read with caution, for Freund was misled when he trusted so implicitly the biographies of Williams then available. I shall suggest only a few of the corrections necessary. ( 1 ) Williams is wrongly grouped with the Anabaptist thinkers. His contemporaries in England and New England recognized him as an Independent, and Freund should have grouped Williams with Dr. Owen, John Goodwin and the poet Milton. ( 2 ) His religious views were not of "baptisticher natur" at any time. Williams had become a Seeker in August, 1635. It was customary in the 1 7th century to call all who dissented from the established religions, "Anabaptists", in the same way as today in America all social radicals and political dissenters are called "Reds" and "Communists." ( 3 ) He agreed that the "reason of the law" is more important than the "will of the law." (4) He rejected the contemporary view of toleration and demanded "absolute soul-liberty" in reli- gious matters. ( 5 ) Within fixed constitutional limits, Wil- liams held that the power of the state, as representative of the majority of the people, ought to be absolute in civil things. Legal and just punishment of offenders against the civil laws he designated as "prosecution" as distinct from "persecution." ( 6 ) He held the state ought to give permission and protection to the "bodies and goods" of the churches and church-members, whether true or false, in

ROGER WILLIAMS 103

their civil relations, and that the churches ought to obey the civil laws and pray for the safety and welfare of the state, though pagan. (7) He was a Biblicist and not a Calvinist, after 1630. And although he took some of his ideas from John Calvin and Martin Luther, he never hesitated to disagree with each of them in certain matters. For example, he held to Luther's doctrines of Free-Grace and of conditional Election because he believed they were Pauline and Biblical.' (8) Freund does not attempt to develop fully Williams' doctrines of government by the "free consent of the People" and the Rights of Man. These he discusses only as they relate to the idea of absolute toleration. (9 ) Nor does Freund bring out the close rela- tion of Seekerism and the scientific movement of the 1 7th century with Williams' doctrine of religious liberty.

With these preliminary remarks as a guide, we are ready to begin the essay by Michael Freund: {Der Idee Der Toleranz. Halle, 1927. Pp. 241-268.)

Translation

The ripest fruit of the Baptist literature of Toleration is the work on Tolerance by Roger Williams. The tolera- tion-idea of Williams found its most significant expression in his work entitled The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution, but received, to be sure, further elucidation and exposition m his other writings. ( Queries of Highest Consideration, (1664). Edited by R. A. Guild, N. C, P., Vol. II. The Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, (1652). Edited by S. L. Caldwell, N. C. P., Vol. IV. A well-rounded portrait of his mind and character is given in the collected letters which J. R. Bartlett arranged and entitled The Letters of Roger Williams, N. C. P., Vol. VI.) W7illiams suffered persecution upon his own person. In 1631 he had come to New England, and soon thereafter was called to be the Teacher at Salem. His opinions brought him into sharp opposition to the church and state in New England, and

104 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

finally caused his banishment out of the colonies. (The exact causes of his banishment are in controversy: his opinions about tolerance — as the customary view main- tains— indeed scarcely stand in the foreground. His doubt of the legality of the Patent of the colony, which according to his conception gave over illegally to foreign ownership the land of the Indian and his demand for a radical separa- tion from the Anglican church stirred up a more vehement opposition than his conception of the relation of the state and church. The entire question is fully discussed by J. L. Diman in his introduction to John Cotton's Answer to Roger Williams, N. C. P., Vol. II. This discussion centers chiefly on the question of "rigid separation" and contributes also to clarify their controversy. ) In the midst of a winter snowstorm — as he himself has often pathetically described — he was forced to seek for himself a new homestead. In 1636 he founded Providence, a new colony, upon his own land which he purchased from the Indian tribe. The mem- bers of the new colony promised to submit themselves to the majority in all matters: but only in civil things. Vane helped him to procure the charter for the colony. In 1 643, because of disputes among the [New England] colonies, Williams went to London in order to obtain the authority for the settling of some of these disputes. The religious- political war then going on in England stimulated him into carrying forward a definitive discussion of his con- troversy with Cotton, his Puritan antagonist in New Eng- land. In this way originated, in 1644, The Bloudy Tenent, to which later on there was connected a lively controversy. The deliberations of the Westminster Assembly, ( Trans- lator's Note: The Westminster Assembly, composed of 120 Puritan and Scotch Presbyterian clergymen, was created in the summer of 1 643 to assist Parliament in preparing a uni- form system of church Order and polity. It was continu- ously in session without accomplishing any important matter until dismissed by Cromwell through Parliament in 1 649 ) and in connection with it the joint publication of a pamphlet

ROGER WILLIAMS 105

by the Independent members, ( Transl. Note: Apologeticall Narration, ( 1644) by The Five Dissenting Brethren. British Museum ) called forth his Queries of Highest Con- sideration. His religious views were of "baptisticher Natur", but he finally separated himself from every reli- gious association and passed his last days as a solitary "Seeker". America honors in him one of her greatest minds. „

As previously stated, TheBloudy Tenent of Persecutions a discussion with Cotton, who defended a relative-toleration position and whose opinions were in need of a clearer repre- sentation, wherewith Williams sets forth the historical sig- nificance of the idea in its true light. ( Of course, Williams presents to Cotton also his opinions concerning "The Model of Church and Civil Power" of the New England churches, of which Cotton later on denies his co-authorship. ) Cotton, as we shall see, also divided the spheres of state and church rather strictly: both have their own End, their own duties, and their own functions. Over the church stands God as the only Law-giver. The members of the church, as such, have no right to challenge the state-authority by offering any resistance against it. Insofar as opposition to the civil power is permitted, it is exercised by the church-members as members of the state and not as members of the church. Man does not live in society and the state as a religious being. Although both authorities are clearly separated from one another, they are not independent of one another: they are inseparably intangled one with the other; they grow and blossom together, and perish together. The decline of the state, says Cotton, has always been a sequel to the decay of the church. {Bloudy Tenent of Persecu- tion, p. 191. Freund uses the edition of the Hanserd Knollys Society edited by Edward Bean Underhill. London, 1 848. ) The church educates the people to become good subjects and perfect members of society. State and church are mutually bound to govern and support each other. When the church disintegrates the state must re-

106 RHODE ISLAM) H ISTORICAL SOCIETY

form it j and when the state strays from the path of justice, the church must lead it back onto the right course: therefore, one state, one church. Just as tolerant as the church ought to be to those within her own bosom, so little is an organized community able to tolerate different churches and sects side by side. "For our tolerating many religions in a state in several churches, besides the provoking of God, may in time not only corrupt, leaven, divide, and so destroy the peace of the churches, but also dissolve the continuity of the state, especially ours, whose walls are made of the stones of the churches, it being also contrary to the end of our planting in this part of the world, which was not only to enjoy the pure ordinances, but to enjoy them all in purity." ( Bloudy Tenent, p. 240. ) The church must, however, practice toleration in things not fundamental. Even in the sphere of the liturgy, she ought and must grant diversity and variety of forms. The principle must be one of unity and not uniformity. In things fundamental, however, which are so public and clear that only base desire opposes them, no tolerance dare be shown. After proper admonition, the church hands the heretic over to the state which may then deliver him to the executioner. Cotton also reiterates here in essentials the toleration-program of the sons of the Renaissance: that ideal of "Comprehen- sion" which influenced Taylor (Transl. Note: Taylor, Jeremy, ( 1613-1667) Liberty of Prophesying, 1 649 ) and Chillingworth (Transl. Note: Chillingworth, William, (1602-1644), The Religon of Protestants a Safe Way of Salvation, 1638) to foster the idea of tolerance, also in- fluenced Williams' The Bloudy Tenent.

Sovereignty — which brings the opinions of Cotton in repeated collision with the idea of toleration and especially with the theory of the Rights of Man — is placed by Cotton under absolutely fixed limits and rules. The state has no authority to consider private morals. It has, moreover, no authority to judge in disputes between children and par- ents, and servants and masters. Matters of private morals

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come under the competence of the church which settles disputes between members of the family and between serv- ants and masters: "Domestic evils are best healed in a domestic way." {Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, p. 284.) Only upon a request from the church may the state interpose its authority in this sphere of social life. More serious, however, is the limitation on the principle of the state's authority. The power of the state originates through the transfer or the rights and power of individuals to the highest civil authority ; the people are, moreover, on this earth only the stewards of God and may not transfer this right and authority as they please. "And because the Word is a perfect rule, as well of righteousness as of holi- ness, it will be therefore necessary that neither the people give consent, nor that the magistrate takes power to dis- pose of the bodies, goods, lands, liberties of the people, but according to the laws and rules of the Word of God." {Bloudy Tenent, p. 219. ) The civil authority may impose nothing by virtue of its authority alone ; it is obliged, "to show the reason, not only the will." {Ibid. p. 220.) Nor may the state control and regulate "indifferent" matters, unless it has cogent reasons to give for such action. Not the state but divine truth creates the social right. This divine truth is indeed a "perfect rule," compulsory and unequivocal, and can therefore dispense with the interpret- ing power. Cotton recognizes the viewpoint of Hobbes. (Transl. Note: Hobbes, Thomas, ( 1588-1679 ) see Works) as the hostile principle opposed to his world of ideas which he restates in similar words and vigorously attacks: "Au- toritas, non Veritas facit legem." "He hath no power to make any such laws about indifferent things, wherein noth- ing good or evil is shown to the people, but only on prin- cipally the mere authority or will of the imposer for the observance of them." {Ibid. p. 220.) "The will of no man is regula recti, unless it be regula recta." {Ibid. p. 220) Not the will of the law-giver but the reason of the law must be the plumbline of the human conscience. Not

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the authority of the supreme power, but the "Reason" of the law hinds: "Ratio est rex legis et lex rex regis." (Ibid. p. 221.) . . .

Williams carries out the division between worldly and religious affairs much more sharply, consistently and radi- cally than does Cotton. The separation is so thoroughly carried out that no bridges may lead across to reunite the two worlds. The two worlds, the spiritual and the civil, can no longer lay claims to each other. With this con- ception it is not possible to stretch a connecting-line across (from the spiritual world) to the Rights of Man . . . According to the conception of Williams, in contrast to that of Cotton, the two worlds are in themselves sovereign and do not mutually limit each other, since they exist on two such entirely different levels that they are completely separated.

For this reason Williams lays the stress upon it to indi- cate his intrinsic conclusion — the real self-sufficiency of the civil and social world. State and society are natural powers, forms and creations of nature. ( Just for that reason, they are not comprehensible and conceivable through the doc- trine of rights, because they in fact discard the spiritual "Existenz" to which rights alone are able to appeal. ) In the blood relationship of families exists the prototype of states and, as people increase and propagate themselves independently and beyond religion of all kinds, so they in time also agree to form social combinations. "If none but true Christians, members of Christ Jesus, might be civil magistrates, and publicly entrusted with civil affairs, then none but members of churches, Christians, should be hus- bands of wives, fathers of children, masters of servants. But against this doctrine the whole creation, the whole world, may justly rise up in arms, as not only contrary to true piety, but common humanity itself." (Bloudy Tenent, p. 285. ) "Magistracy is of God, but yet no otherwise than marriage is, being an estate merely civil and humane and lawful to all nations of the world." (Bloody Tenent Yet

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More Bloody, p. 282. ) Each state is legitimate just as life and nature are legitimate. Man is by nature a social crea- ture, and enters social relationships long before he awakens to religion. "We shall find lawful civil states, both before and since Christ, in which we find not any tidings of the true God or Christ." (Bloudy Tenent, p. 247.) There is "a civil ministry, or office, merely human and civil, which men agree to constitute, called therefore a human creation, and is true and lawful in those nations, cities, kingdoms, etc., which never heard of the true God, nor his holy Son Jesus, as in any part of the world besides, where the name of Jesus is most taken up." {Ibid. p. 132. )

Society and state are integral wherever religious-liberty prevails in the entire state. The civil state is in itself entire and competent, "which compactness may be found in many towns and cities of the world where yet has not shined any spiritual or" supernatural goodness." (Ibid. p. 211.) All over the world with its thousand-fold religious differences, the object, nature and origin of the civil authority is always the same. The origin is everywhere the choice and free consent of the people, and the object, the well being of the members or the safety of the people in property and life. The state transcends religion. It receives from religion no enhancement of its authority, no more than is added to our animal life by our Christian confession. There is no longer any Christian state, but only purely a civil state. The state having developed into a pure "Existence form" and into a perfect abstraction has freed itself of all foreign accretions. "The civil nature of the magistrate we have proved to receive no addition of power from the magis- trate being a Christian, no more than it receives diminution from his not being a Christian, even as the commonweal is a true commonweal, although it have not heard of Chris- tianity." (Ibid.p.304-.)

If the Christian state had the right of persecution, then this right would not be merely peculiar to the Christian state but to the state in the abstract. When the Christian

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state also imputes to itself the right of persecution, then it approves this right to all the states of the world. That would have a rather ominous effect upon the Christian religion; for of thirty parts of the world, twenty-five are non-Christian. {Bloody Tenent Yet Mors Bloody, p. 161. ) "And if so — that the magistrates receive their power of g erning the church from the people — undeniably it follows, that a people, as a people, naturally considered of what nature or nation soever in Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, have fundamentally and originally as men, a power to govern the church, to see her do her duty, to correct her, to redress, reform, establish, etc." ( Bloudy Tenent, p. 215. )

Interestingly, the idea of the essential equality of all states and the identity of the efficacy of all states re-enforces the democratic woof in the thought of Williams. For Williams, the state is not an independent principle, but a function of society and an organ of the "Nation", insofar as Williams understands it. Before the states there were the "Nations'1 — "Nations" which as phenomena of the natural world are essentially alike. "If the magistrate has received any such charge or commission from God in spiritual things, doubtless, as before, the people have re- ceived it originally and fundamentally as they are a peo- ple. ( Bloody Tenent Yet More Bloody, p. 1 89. ) There is no right and no essence in the state which does not rest in the people. No group of people have, however, more rights than any other, as Williams viewed the people in a nature - rightly, unhistorical being. "Primarily and fundamentally they are the civil magistrate." [Ibid. p. 210. The sover- eignty of the "Nations" implies, however, the sovereignty of the world. In the state the many govern inseparably; only a few are, however, elected. The state which Williams alone recognizes, the democratic state, can neither be the sovereignty of the Saints nor supply the place of religious authority. The sovereignty of the state over religion must, moreover, always imply anti-religious sovereignty, at least

ROGEK WILLIAMS HI

a-religious force over religious matters, always a foreign- authority over the church of God . . .)

The internal detachment of the state from religion signi- fies especially for Williams the self-sufficiency of the state, the organization of the phenomenon "state" in its "ideal- typichen" purity. The mingling of state and church implies as well the negation of Christendom, as of the state: "It denies the principle of Christianity and civility." ' ( Bloudy Tenent, p. 2.) The state burdened with religious duties and compassed with religious regulations is not a perfect state: (With this one may compare Karl Marx: "The so- called Christian state is an imperfect state and the Chris- tian religion is permitted by the state as a complement and as a sanctification of its civil imperfection. The state is in this instance "Theologe ex professo", not yet state as a "state." Zur Judenjrage. ) Persecution, therefore, is an inimical